“I guess I did,” I confessed; and he beamed and insisted we have a drink to celebrate.
The drink became several drinks and we were both in high cheer that evening. But the hangover set in at about the time I returned to the hotel. I began to tremble when I pulled the three tightly rolled documents out of the sleeve of my jacket. They weren’t notes of mine. They were original documents and I had stolen them from the archives, rolling them like straws and sliding them up my sleeve like a cheap gambler hiding aces.
Unless they had seen me purloin the three papers-and they hadn’t, or they’d have arrested me on the spot-they weren’t likely ever to discover that they were missing. Railway schedules are not numbered individually. The same file number appears stamped at the top of every paper in the folder. With anything as commonplace as marshaling records they’d have had no reason to make a specific note of each sheet of paper. It was possible they had a notation of the total number of papers in the file but I doubted anyone would bother counting them-there had been at least five hundred in that file-and even if they did make a count they’d have no way of proving I was responsible for the discrepancy. Not if they didn’t find the documents on me.
I unfolded a map and studied it, and studied the papers I’d stolen; and then I destroyed the three documents by flushing them down the toilet in tiny pieces.
With them went the last written record of the final hiding place of Kolchak’s gold.
* Rep. James Scheuer, Democrat of The Bronx, New York.-Ed.
THE NAZI SCHEME*
[From 1920 until 1944 the gold of the Czars rested undisturbed in its hiding place in the Siberian mountains. Speculations and conflicting reports to the contrary, it did not fall into the hands of partisans, Atamans, Reds, Whites, or the remnants of the Czech Legion. Buried under the rubble of its caved-in hiding place, it remained undiscovered and untouched while the world changed.]
In the decade that followed the Russian Civil War the Soviet state did not, as Marx would have had it, “wither away.” Instead it became ever more totalitarian after the ouster of Trotsky and the death of Lenin made room for the imposition of the absolute dictatorship of Josef Stalin.
The Communist state was threatened by “capitalist encirclement” and Stalin used that rationalization to justify the intimidation of the populace, the imposition of extreme propaganda measures and the infliction of the great purges which disposed of all suspected opposition to his despotic regime.
Vast numbers of the original Bolsheviks were forced to fabricate “confessions,” were tried publicly (but hardly fairly) and were brutally executed. Ten million persons were sent to the forced labor camps of the NKVD. The purges eliminated the entire Lenin Politburo, the entire old Bolshevik movement, and the entire leadership of the army, the state police, the trade unions and the Communist Central Committee. All of them were replaced with men whose sole qualification for office was their loyalty to the vozhd (roughly, the fuhrer), Josef Stalin.
Because Stalin’s purges weakened the Red Army and the nation disastrously by massacring most of their leadership, Stalin was not nearly ready for war when Munich came about.
But neither was Hitler. The Nazis wanted a guarantee of Soviet neutrality (in the event of a “dispute” between Germany and Poland) just as badly as Stalin wanted time to mobilize. As a result, on August 23, 1939, the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact was signed to guarantee mutual nonaggression and divide eastern Europe into “spheres of influence” which placed Finland and the small Baltic states under Russian “protection.”
[In the meantime] the center of the universe was still Berlin. Foreign correspondents drank their days away at the Adlon Bar and occasionally went up along the Wilhelmstrasse to watch Hitler on the balcony review the troop lorries that rolled past. The dictator with his Chaplin mustache watched his thousands of mesmerized youths shout their “Sieg Heils” and spoke to them in his guttural hypnotic rant, rousing their apocalyptic fervor to a frenzy, preparing them in the moral twilight of the Third Reich for Mitteleuropa’s Gotterdammerung. The accumulated sadistic malice of human history, which was to find expression in such souvenirs as the human-skin lampshades of Ilse Koch, made the world a clinic for the grotesque evil of the Nazi experiments in racial purification and mass death; and found its voice in the cloying martial sentimentality of the Horst Wessel Song.*
Adolf Hitler’s compelling voice inspired his brown-clothed followers to offer their lives in the service of the immortalizing nobility of Destiny. Hitler convinced Germany (as he had convinced himself) that he was of divine origin-that Providence rendered his pronouncements Infallible; that German honor and German glory demanded the Aryan world conquest; that the Fatherland’s insidious enemies-the Communists, the Jews, those who had heaped upon Germany the ignominious betrayal of Versailles-must be crushed.
Of course the German mind was diseased. Of course the Nazi upheaval was an aberration-mankind throwing a tantrum. Of course Hitler was mad: a man whose most intense gratification derived from the ultimate act of obeisance-kneeling before a woman so that she could defecate and urinate upon him. Of course the deranged sycophantic parasites who surrounded Hitler fed on his weaknesses and influenced his bestialities. Of course the circumstances and conditions were “unique.” Yet: of the two nations, Russia and Germany, it was not Germany in which a small minority imposed its will on an unwilling population; it was not Germany in which, by apathy or outright partisan revolt, enormous segments of the population resisted the despotism of the regime; and it was Germany-not Russia-in which the committed successful revolution arose among the workers and trade unionists. The Nazis were the revolutionaries of the 1920s and their movement was fundamentally proletarian: a blind, nonintellectual will for change. Their revolution drove to the right, not the left-a fact overlooked by those who insist that revolution is always a function of the left-but nevertheless it was a populist movement and there was never any coherent resistance movement during Hitler’s lifetime in power. Thus while Russia merely tolerated evil, Germany gave it active and undivided support-and one may argue that in the end there wasn’t a penny’s worth of difference: mere tolerance of evil is an evil in itself.*
One week after the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact was signed, German Stukas and Panzers overran Poland.
In the Katyn forest near Smolensk some five thousand ranking officers of the Polish army were slaughtered by execution squads. The Germans were blamed for this, the first mass atrocity of the war. In fact it was the Red Army which massacred the Poles at Katyn-to eliminate any possibility of a Polish military reformation around their cadre of leading officers.†
At the end of November 1939 the soviet Union invaded Finland, committing one million troops in thirty combat divisions against the Finns’ nine divisions (two hundred thousand men). To Stalin’s chagrin the Finns chopped the Red Army to ribbons. A peace was signed in March 1940 by which Finland ceded about 12 percent of her territory to Russia; but Stalin gave up his plans to occupy the country. He had lost two hundred thousand lives-nine times the number of Finnish casualties.
The Russo-Finnish War was militarily and politically indecisive. The Finns gave ground but did not give up; the Russians gained little of value. Perhaps the most significant result of that otherwise inconclusive campaign was its effect on Hitler’s appraisal of Soviet fighting strength and ability. A relative handful of plucky Finns, neither mechanized nor particularly well armed, had made mincemeat of one million crack Red Army troops.