Toward the end of the nineteenth century, socialist thought swept through the cities. (It had little effect on the vast rural countryside; among the peasants and among their masters an indifference to violence and repression was ingrained.) There were strikes, there were demonstrations and appeals, there was the revolt of sailors and workmen in 1905; but there was no mass movement from hoi polloi and it was the liberal aristocrats, not the commoners, who agitated most stridently for reforms.
The first three years of the Great War were unspeakable on the Western Front but on the Russian Front they were worse.†
The Czar’s empire was an archaic fiefdom. Its military leadership was a proud and backward officer corps, a thoroughly lazy and corrupt general staff and a multilayered, absurdly parasitic bureaucracy. Its primary fighting strength was Russia’s Cossack horse cavalry; the Czar’s armies simply were not equipped to meet the modern German war machine.
Germans swept into the Russian breadbasket; by the end of 1916 hunger and suffering had infected the towns and cities, where Marxists fueled the common people’s bitter rage with propaganda that insisted the war was a plot by capitalist munitions cartels to slaughter millions for profit.
Revolutionary fury ramified through the cities of Imperial Russia. Rasputin was assassinated on the night of December 30, 1916-a warning of the coming uprising. Finally the awful food shortage in Petrograd brought out the riots of March 1917: and the Czar abdicated on March 18.
“It wasn’t a Bolshevik rising that forced Nicholas to abdicate, you know. The Bolshevik party had fewer than fifty thousand members. [When it came to power a few months later it still had only seventy-six thousand members.] In March it was the liberal republicans, many of them aristocrats who’d been exposed to Western progressive ideas; they took over, and it was orderly. The Duma [the provisional government of Prince Lvov] was very anti-Bolshevik. Its ambition was to elect representatives to a Constituent Assembly and create a constitutional government along Western lines.
“The Bolsheviks did not want any part of that. But they weren’t strong enough to dispute the Duma, until everyone began to see that Prince Lvov wasn’t going to sign an immediate peace with the German invaders. Then things changed.”
Alexander Kerensky, the strongest member of Prince Lvov’s coalition, ordered a full-scale offensive against the Germans in July and this was what broke the back of the republican movement. The offensive collapsed, a blood-drenched disaster, and the defeat allowed the Bolsheviks to turn popular passion against the liberal coalition.
“Lenin’s promise was simple and very appealing: he promised peace.
“Lenin said, ‘The revolutionary idea becomes a force when it grips the masses.’ But that was not it, you know. What gripped the masses-you saw it everywhere in Russia-was the promise of peace. The Bolshevik opportunists dashed right in. They seized the factories and consolidated their revolutionary soviets. Even in our village they were throwing up placards and slogans.
“In Saint Petersburg there was a palace coup. It wasn’t a revolution, it was a ruthless coup-Lenin’s junta unseated the Duma, that was all there was to it. That was November of nineteen seventeen. Kerensky had to flee the country disguised as a sailor.
“Lenin was the dictator of the Bolshevik Party. He wanted to be dictator of the empire, but that took three years.
“In the beginning he did two things-he confiscated all private property and he made a tender of peace to the German Kaiser.”
The Duma’s elections [to form a Constituent Assembly] were scheduled for November 25 and communications in Russia were too slow to enable Lenin to cancel them. They took place, and the non-Communist liberals won by a landslide: they took nearly 60 percent of the more than forty million votes cast in what was, and still is, the only free election ever held in Russia. (The Bolsheviks garnered only some 29 percent of the vote, even on their peace platform, and the bourgeois and conservative parties accounted for the rest.)
“Lenin had lost at the polls but it didn’t stop him. The elected representatives arrived in Saint Petersburg-Lenin was calling it Petrograd by then-and a few hundred of Lenin’s shock troops sealed off the palace. The representatives never got inside and the Assembly never was called to order. Of course we never heard about this until much later.”
Denied their elected place in government, those who opposed the Bolsheviks took up arms. Thus, in January 1918, began the Russian Civil War.
On December 3, 1917, the Red regime signed a temporary cease-fire agreement with the Germans.
For the Western Allies it was a bad time for Russia to defect from the war effort: it meant Germany’s eastern divisions now could be thrown into combat in the trenches against the Allies on the west.
Infuriated, the Allies sought to undermine Lenin’s government by infiltration and sabotage and by lending aid to anti-Bolshevik military movements that sprang up in Poland, in Finland, and within Russia itself, where Lenin’s enemies were forming coalitions under the banner of “White Russia” (a term coined mainly to offer a simple contrast with “Red”; it had little to do with the geographic origins of the movement).
“I have studied this for many years. I think Lenin really wanted to stabilize relations with the West. But he had great danger at home. Only by carrying out the promise of peace could he remain in power. ‘Peace’ was the one promise he could not afford to break.
“One can’t help but observe that this Communist Party, which came to power on its pledge of peace, has been responsible for the brutal massacres of more human beings than any other political organization in history, the Nazi Party included.”
The truce continued but a permanent peace had yet to be signed. Lenin delayed as long as he could: to placate the Western Allies and to salvage what he could from the impending negotiations with the Kaiser’s representatives.
But anti-Bolshevik pressure finally forced Lenin to sign.
Germany’s demands were voracious. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, signed on March 3, 1918, was a horrible blow to Russia. Germany took away nearly half her industries, a third of her population and a quarter of her territory.
The cost of the peace was so harsh that indignation flared up once again and White Russian units everywhere were mobbed with volunteers.
“Whole regiments were defecting en masse to the Whites. They felt Lenin had betrayed the Motherland at Brest-Litovsk.
“The peasants rallied to the White banner because of Lenin’s confiscation of private property. The peasants had never wanted communism, you know. What they wanted was ownership of the land. That was precisely what the Reds denied them. Serfdom was the same whether your master was an aristocrat or the State.”
Military resistance against the Reds flickered into existence all over Russia. It had no central leadership and no governmental structure; at first it was partisan warfare and recruiting contests, with both sides hastily daubing the giant Cyrillic characters of their slogans on walls and barracks.
Then for a while it became more orderly: traditional warfare, great armies drawn up against one another on vast battlefields. The Whites were encouraged significantly by the victory of Mannerheim, who defeated the Reds in Finland, and by the victories of Marshall Pilsudski’s hard-riding Polish cavalry against Trotsky’s ill-supplied and ill-organized Red infantry.
But in 1918 as the Whites spread their enthusiastic forces across a great part of Russia’s acreage, no fewer than nineteen separate White Russian governments came into being in different areas, each claiming legitimate franchise from the deposed Czar. From the very beginning it was this lack of central organization which threatened to destroy the anti-Bolshevik movement in the Civil War.