All around, the Red Army was now in full retreat. Entering the palace on the morning of 19 September, Zelenova was angry to see dusty military motorbikes carelessly parked among the lilac bushes of Empress Maria Fedorovna’s Dutch garden. In her office, she found a major cranking the handle of a telephone:
I was struck by how tired he looked. Someone was grunting on the other end of the line, and he replied (obviously not for the first time) that he hadn’t hung up, that the line was bad, and that he hadn’t got any more men. The person at the other end carried on angrily grunting away. The major very slowly put down the receiver and I started my speech. ‘Please immediately tell your soldiers to remove their motorcycles from the private gardens!’ He asked, ‘Whose private gardens?’ And this poor exhausted major had to listen to a whole lecture on Cameron.
That evening Zelenova received a call from Leningrad’s museums administration, telling her that she had been made Pavlovsk’s director—an empty promotion since she was also put formally in charge of its ‘rapid evacuation’. ‘Then the call was cut off, so I couldn’t explain anything… I knew we had to leave, but how could we abandon all the crates we had prepared, and all the things we hadn’t packed yet? No, let’s keep on working!’ Realising that no more lorries would arrive from Leningrad, she commandeered horse-drawn carts:
After we had seen off the last of the cart-drivers a green MK [car] appeared. A short lieutenant jumped out and demanded, in an unexpectedly loud, bossy, voice, ‘Who are you and what are you doing here?’ I explained that I was director of the Palace museum and park, and that these were my colleagues. The lieutenant exploded: ‘But everyone in the town has been evacuated!’
‘We are arranging evacuation ourselves, and waiting for transport.’
‘There won’t be any transport! You’re lucky that I came round to check that everyone from divisional headquarters had gone. Get in my car this minute!’
‘I can’t go anywhere, even if you tell me to, because I’m here on the orders of the High Command’—and I gave him the number of the order.
‘You don’t understand! Pavlovsk isn’t on the front, it isn’t even on the front line. It’s in the German rear!’
A siren went off, and Zelenova ran down to the palace cellars, which were being used as air-raid shelters. Stepping over samovars and sewing machines, she announced to a crowd of women and children that Pavlovsk had been abandoned, and that those who wanted to leave for the city would have to walk. As she was speaking a forester dashed in: ‘There are German motorcyclists in the park. I saw them myself. By the White Birches!’ The women, Zelenova quickly realised, were not going to move, so she went upstairs, emptied her desk drawer into a briefcase, and set off on foot in the general direction of Leningrad.
It took her all night to get there, stumbling in heeled shoes through fields and allotments, and crouching in ditches at the thump of artillery fire. On the way she passed the palace town of Pushkin, where the same sort of last-minute rescue effort—dinner services packed in new-mown hay, silver wrapped in Tsar Nicholas’s naval uniforms—had been taking place as at Pavlovsk. Crossing the Alexander Palace park she saw Rinaldi’s Chinese Theatre collapse in flames; at Kolpino the burning Izhorsky plant lit the sky like a false dawn. Nearer Leningrad the roads were less cratered, and she got a lift in an army lorry full of wounded, which dropped her where she could catch a tram into the city. At 10 a.m. she finally reached St Isaac’s Cathedral, in whose ‘dim, grim, cold and damp’ vastnesses she was to live, together with the staff and rescued contents of all the other abandoned summer palaces, for the whole of the siege.{8}
On the same day that the Germans entered Pavlovsk they also took Pushkin. Again their approach was acknowledged too late for orderly evacuation: at one point townspeople who fled to Leningrad were actually sent home again, because they lacked Leningrad residency permits. Fiercely anti-Bolshevik Lidiya Osipova watched with cynical detachment as friends and acquaintances tried to decide what to do. A split, she wrote on 17 August, had arisen between ‘patriots’ and ‘defeatists’: ‘“Patriots” try to get themselves evacuated as fast as they can, and the latter, including us, try by every means possible to evade it.’ Like many, she preferred to disbelieve reports of Nazi atrocities. ‘Of course’, she wrote in her diary, ‘Hitler isn’t the beast that our propaganda paints him… People who feel sorry for Jews in Germany, negroes in America and Indians in India manage to forget our own pillaged peasants, who were exterminated like cockroaches.’ Even some Jewish friends agreed. ‘From many Jews we’ve heard this kind of thing: “Why should we go anywhere? Well, maybe we’ll have to sit in camps for a bit, but then we’ll be let out. It can’t be worse than now.”’
As the fighting grew nearer anxiety mounted. Osipova’s neighbour, a former Party member, spent the night of 2 September
running back and forth from her room to the rubbish dump in next-door’s courtyard, carrying armfuls of red-bound volumes of Lenin. In between chucking out the great genius’s works, she came up to us for chats and a smoke. She bemoaned her lot and Soviet rule. I can see now that Soviet power is not doing very well, because N.F. is not someone who is ruled by her emotions. She was brought up under the Soviets and has seen every rung of the Party ladder, from the highest to the lowest. All this has turned her into a cynic; she has completely lost her faith in all the Communist rubbish, the idealistic dream. It’s amusing to watch her, but she should beware of the Germans, since she’s been a wife to three Jews and her daughter is half-Jewish. And she’s got Communist feathers on her muzzle herself.
In the crowded half-darkness of the air-raid shelters, conversation became unusually free. People talked, Osipova wrote, ‘about things that before the war we wouldn’t have discussed even in our sleep, or when very drunk, except in the company of people we knew intimately. I’m sitting here writing my diary quite openly and nobody pays any attention.’ As shells began to fall in Pushkin itself, she and her neighbours moved permanently into their cellars. Privately, Osipova longed for what she regarded as liberation. ‘We sit here all day’, she wrote on the 15th. ‘The impression is of complete confusion. We asked—Where are the Germans? At Kuzmino. That means they’ll get to us in about two hours.’ Two days later the streets were still empty:
No Germans yet. We walked into the town. Overwhelming silence… No sign of the authorities at all. If they are here, they are hiding. Everyone’s afraid that it might be our lot coming, and not the Germans… If it is the Germans—a few unimportant restrictions, and then FREEDOM. If it is the Reds—more of this hopeless vegetable existence, and most probably repression…
The next day she had her first uneasy intimation that the Nazis really were a different breed from the Heine and Schiller of her schoolroom, when she picked up an anti-Semitic leaflet dropped by a German plane. ‘What mediocrity, stupidity, coarseness. “A muzzle that asks for a brick!”; “Fight the Yid-politruk!” And what vulgar, mutilated language… Is it possible that we are mistaken, that the Germans really are as bad as Soviet propaganda makes out?’ On the 19th the waiting was finally over. ‘It’s happened’, she wrote exultantly in her diary, ‘THE GERMANS HAVE COME! At first it was hard to believe. We climbed out of the shelter and saw two real German soldiers walking along. Everyone rushed up to them… The old women quickly dived back into the shelter and brought out sweets, pieces of sugar and white bread.’ ‘NO MORE REDS!’ the entry ends. ‘FREEDOM!’{9}