Slater sounded not just unconvinced, but also insulted. ‘If I involve myself at all it will be to call Lagutov and not to sit like a puppet with the President of the United States. People remember Blair.’
Stephanie ratcheted up her tone. ‘And what exactly will you say to Lagutov? Please get off that island?’
Salter was not retreating. ‘I’ll explore a settlement. It’s what I do well.’
Neither would she. ‘This isn’t a car factory in the Midlands. It’s not a pay negotiation. Nor is it about a single island. It’s about Russia challenging America. If you explore a settlement you risk putting your name to a stumbling, failing peace initiative.’
Visibly taken aback by Stephanie’s bluntness, Slater said, ‘I will not blindly follow America into another of its pointless wars.’
‘Then show leadership in Europe.’
‘Coming from you, that’s rich, as you were so keen for us to leave.’
‘I’m talking about Europe, sir, not the European Union.’
Slater looked at her sharply. He had been an energetic advocate for Britain’s role in Europe. Before he could respond, Stephanie continued, ‘Lagutov is relying on two elements, the vulnerability of the presidential transition and a divided Europe. You have the capacity to prove them wrong on Europe.’
‘How, when they barely listen to a word we have to say any more?’ He stared at her angrily, brushing melting snow off his face.
Stephanie deliberately switched to his first name. ‘Make them listen, Kevin. You are the best orator I have ever heard, and you’re new. You might not like America, but it represents who we are. Russia does not. America’s values, based on our values, have allowed you, a watchmaker’s son from Yorkshire, to become the Prime Minister of Great Britain. If we don’t help them at a time like this, why should they continue to defend us? Don’t mess with this moment, sir. Do you really want to cede all we have fought for over the centuries to Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and, for that matter, China’s Greater East Asia Prosperity Sphere?’
‘What’s China got to do with it?’ His voice level dropped with genuine curiosity.
‘Apparently, Chinese money is being used to fund the Russian operation.’
‘Do we know that?’
Stephanie shared his alarm. Britain was thick with Chinese deals, power stations, technology, infrastructure. ‘It’s the only country rich enough. At present, we don’t know if it’s state-sponsored. But that’s for later. Right now, I am advising that you have your picture taken in the Situation Room with President Swain. That’s it, sir. Show that you’re a leader and whose side you’re on. Then we hit the phones on Europe.’
‘You’re persuasive, Stephanie. I concede that.’
‘Is that a “yes”?’
‘It’s an “I’ll think about it”.’
Matt Prusak stepped onto the White House terrace at the other end of the garden, and signaled to Stephanie.
‘It has to be now.’ She touched Slater’s elbow to start them heading back.
Slater walked with her. ‘What are the numbers? Germany and France aside, we would have Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Kosovo, Serbia—’
‘Maybe not Serbia,’ said Stephanie. ‘And we might have a problem with Hungary and Poland.’
‘Italy, Portugal, Spain, Greece…’
‘Greece will need a bribe.’
‘When hasn’t it?’
As they approached, Holland joined Prusak on the terrace, checking his watch.
‘What’s he doing here?’ asked Slater.
Stephanie didn’t know, but it would make sense to have Holland in the photo-op with the President of the United States and the leader of its closest ally. She tried to catch Prusak’s eye, but Holland, his forefinger raised, was reprimanding the White House Chief of Staff. Prusak listened calmly. Slater and Stephanie climbed the short flight of steps to the terrace. Holland fell silent.
‘Prime Minister, thank you for your time,’ said Prusak.
‘Is there a problem?’ asked Slater.
‘No, sir. Could you and the President-elect follow the Secret Service agents to the Situation Room, where the President will brief you?’
Slater glanced at Stephanie who shrugged, trying to convince him that she hadn’t known and wasn’t out to deceive her Prime Minister. Shit happens. Ride with it. Holland and Slater left.
‘Holland blew a fuse because Slater’s in on the briefing,’ said Prusak when they had gone. ‘But we have another problem. The NSA is picking up all traffic coming out of Moscow. Holland made a call to the Kremlin from Blair House.’
Stephanie raised her eyebrows in surprise. ‘Holland called Lagutov? To say what?’
‘To warn him, just like he said. We don’t know Lagutov’s response because we haven’t broken their code, but judging from the rise in Holland’s tone, it wasn’t a friendly exchange. He said Russia needed to realize that the United States would be the predominant global power for decades to come. If Lagutov didn’t understand that now, he would two days from now, and if Lagutov wanted a fight he’d picked the wrong enemy.’
Trump had broken many of the protocols of transition, but nothing during a running crisis.
‘Can you rein him in, confront him?’
‘He doesn’t know we know.’
‘What’s the President doing?’
‘He’s with Holland in the Situation Room right now, and if you want me to say more I will have to hold you to the letter of your security clearance. You don’t even tell Slater.’
Stephanie had a duty to tell her Prime Minister but a wider duty to know as much as possible about what was going on. ‘Fine,’ she said without hesitation.
‘The President has done what any of us would have done. Holland’s call might prompt Lagutov to pre-empt, so he’s—’
‘Gone to a higher level of readiness?’
His voice dropped to almost a whisper. ‘An hour ago we were at DEFCON 4. Not any more.’
DEFCON categorized levels of military readiness against attack and could vary from unit to unit. In this case, if she were Swain, she would raise the DEFCON level on the United States Strategic Command (USSTRATCOM) and the units dealing with the Arctic and Europe. The difference between the two highest levels was timing. At DEFCON 2 nuclear weapons would be ready to engage within six hours. DEFCON 1 was the equivalent of putting a round in the chamber and cocking the hammer.
‘Two?’ she asked.
‘One,’ said Prusak. ‘He had no choice.’
If two countries have nuclear weapons, the weaker one will fire first. If it doesn’t, it will lose. And Russia was weaker than America. Stephanie said, ‘We always have choices, Matt. The President made the right one.’
TWENTY
Prusak led Stephanie through the main busy area of the Situation Room to a compact conference suite on the left. Swain, Slater, and Holland sat around a small table, their body language stiff. Holland played with his cufflinks. Swain made notes on a pad. Slater looked at Stephanie, his eyes accusing.
‘There’s no protocol here,’ said Prusak to Stephanie. ‘Take any seat.’ Swain was at the head of a table with only three chairs on each side. Stephanie sat with Slater, Prusak beside Holland.
‘The attack on the Fed, the murder of Roy, Lucy, and the others, is brutal,’ said Swain. ‘But in strategic terms, the impact is minimal. The occupation of Little Diomede is symbolic—’
‘Symbolic? With eighty hostages?’ interrupted Holland. ‘And a terror strike in the heart of the American capital?’
‘If you want European support, I suggest you get your ducks in a row,’ intervened Slater. ‘You cannot take for granted that European leaders who are America’s allies now will transfer their allegiance to your presidency.’