Opokin’s grief and anger over the bombing turned to steely resolve. ‘The Central Bank is independent, Sergey, as you know. I will not release one ruble until Viktor Lagutov makes clear exactly what he’s doing.’
‘I’m trying to find out myself,’ said Grizlov smoothly.
‘Then I’ll look at it when I get back to Moscow.’
‘Which is why I’m calling. What have you said to the FBI?’
The sudden switch of subject made Opokin even more uneasy. ‘They’ve asked to see me, and the police are waiting outside.’
‘Do not speak to them. Stay inside the embassy where you have diplomatic protection and they can’t touch you.’ Grizlov spoke as if it were an instruction, but it was one which Opokin had no intention of heeding.
‘On the contrary, as soon as I’ve dealt with the FBI, I will fly home. I’m needed there.’
‘No.’ Grizlov’s charm vanished. ‘If you step outside, they’ll arrest you.’
‘They can’t think—’
‘Pictures of you in handcuffs will hammer the ruble!’
‘Who did this, Sergey? Who on earth is behind—?’
‘Just stay there, Karl. I’ll get back to you when I can.’
Grizlov cut the call. Opokin looked across to the television screen to see a head and shoulders static picture of himself together with four others, the bodyguards with him during his visit to the Federal Reserve. Three were shown in passport-style photographs. A fourth, the key suspect, appeared in an artist’s sketch. A headline ticker tape ran his name across the bottom of the screen. ‘Is this man the bank bomber?’
Determination gripped Bob Holland as he listened to his interpreter speaking to the Chinese President’s office in Beijing. The first days of any presidency can mark it for history, and Swain was in the perfect position to stain Holland’s legacy. He could see Swain now plotting how to wreck Holland. He wouldn’t be surprised if Swain and Lagutov had dreamt up the whole thing themselves.
With clarity and the right words, a great leader could end this crisis within hours. He would bring peace through strength, which is how Ronald Reagan beat the Soviets in the cold war. Holland had done this in the way he warned Lagutov, leaving no room for doubt about the consequences of taking the wrong path. He was not going to allow China to fund Russia’s military attack against America. Plain speaking would put a stop to it. No way would China take American jobs then get rich by selling its products back here then finance an attack on the United States. That would be ending right now.
‘Mr President-elect, we have no need for interpreters,’ said the Chinese President, Lo Longwei, in fluent English. ‘The thoughts of the Chinese people are with all Americans on this dreadful day.’
‘Thank you, Mr President,’ said Holland brusquely, determined not to be trapped by diplomatic niceties. ‘I will be quick, sir. You will not make any funds available to Russia until this crisis is over, and you must condemn its invasion of Alaska.’
‘I understand your concern. But I believe your call is two days premature. I have already spoken to your incumbent leader.’
No way would Lo get away with that. ‘I need to know, sir — is China with us on this?’
‘I would like to express to you personally China’s unequivocal condemnation of the attack on the Federal Reserve.’
‘I’m talking about Alaska. Russian troops need to leave our territory, and I am asking for your support.’
‘This has yet to reach my desk, but I understand it was a humanitarian mission and territorial jurisdiction is very complicated. China has many of its own disputes.’
‘I am giving you an opportunity to state your position.’
‘I am sure all sides are acting with good reason.’
‘You’re not hearing me, Mr President.’
‘My technicians tell me the line is good. I am hearing you well. China will help in any way to resolve the dispute between America and Russia.’
‘I need to tell you that if one cent of Chinese money goes to—’
‘We deal in the renminbi and the ruble. Excuse me, Mr President-elect, I have another call coming in.’
The line went dead. Holland held the phone limply in his hand. But it didn’t matter. He had put down his marker and China was now running scared.
TWENTY-THREE
In the Oval Office, Stephanie listened to the playback of Holland’s call. He had shown both stupidity and impatience in demanding so quickly that China openly support the United States. He had irreparably weakened himself in the eyes of China. It was interesting that, unlike with Holland’s call to the Kremlin, she could hear both sides of the conversation. The Chinese would have known that the National Security Agency would be intercepting, and it meant they had not encrypted at their end because they wanted Swain to hear their response. She was with Prusak and Swain. Others were on their way.
‘What do you want to do, sir?’ asked Prusak.
‘Nothing openly.’ Swain sounded bullish and confident. ‘We handle it as they did during the Trump transition. We follow every move Holland makes. We intercept every call. Every time he takes a piss, we know it.’
‘They’ll react,’ said Stephanie. ‘China always tests a new President. The question is — with what? In 2001 with Bush, it was the collision of the spy plane; in 2009 with Obama, the harassment of the surveillance ship; in 2016 the taking of the submersible drone. Each was a challenge to your presence in Asia. My instinct is they’ll now ramp it up — currency, trade, military — and they’ll tie it in with the Russia crisis.’
Swain looked up as three key principals came in, Michael Pacolli from Defense, Thomas Grant from Treasury, and Peter Andrews from State. ‘Is Opokin still in the embassy?’ he asked Prusak.
‘Yes,’ answered Andrews. ‘He’s refusing to speak to the FBI. If he steps outside, we will arrest him.’
Swain moved from his desk to the two yellow pastel sofas facing each other in the middle of the room. He indicated that everyone should share the sandwiches, dips, juice, and coffee laid out on the low table in the middle. Stephanie picked up a plate of sandwiches and held it for Swain, then offered it to Prusak and ended up circling the sofas like a waitress as everyone took one. It was just past three in the afternoon; she remembered having black coffee and an energy bar hours ago and, like her, a few in the room might have napped, but none had properly slept.
‘I am not going to confront Holland directly,’ said Swain. ‘But let his people know that if he speaks to another foreign government without my permission I will use the Logan Act.’
Stephanie’s face creased with curiosity. ‘Is that the ban on private citizens negotiating with a foreign government?’ she asked.
‘Correct,’ said Swain. ‘It dates back to 1799, after Senator George Logan thought he could negotiate with France on behalf of the government.’
‘But is Holland a private citizen?’
‘He is. Only the President or those authorized by him is allowed to negotiate.’
‘It’s never had a conviction,’ said Prusak. ‘Remember in 2015, forty-seven Republican Senators told Iran they would scrap the nuclear deal. Obama got a three hundred thousand-signature petition asking him to prosecute them under the Logan Act.’
‘But when Reagan was President-elect in 1980 didn’t he call the Iranians kidnappers and barbarians over the embassy siege?’ said Stephanie.
‘He liaised with Jimmy Carter first, playing soft cop hard cop,’ said Swain. ‘Holland is not liaising with me. He needs to know he risks indictment so check with the Attorney General how we could get a conviction.’