"I don't care to debate anything with you, Colonel," Orlov said. "We have an operations center to launch." He started toward the door, but Rossky's voice stopped him.
"Of course, sir. However, since you've asked to be kept aware of everything pertaining to my official activities, I will log the details of this conversation— which now include the following. The charges against your son were not dismissed. The Senior Sergeant's report was simply not acted upon, which isn't the same thing. If it were ever called to the attention of the personnel directorate, it would have to be acted upon."
Orlov had his hand on the doorknob, his back to the Colonel. "My son will have to bear the consequences of his own deeds, though I'm certain a military judge would take into account his intervening years of service, as well as the way in which the records were suppressed and then released."
"Files sometimes show up on desks, sir."
Orlov opened the door. Corporal Belyev was standing there and saluted smartly. "Your impertinence will be noted in my own log, Colonel," Orlov said. He looked from Belyev to Rossky. "Would you care to add to the entry?"
Rossky stood stiffly beside his desk. "No, sir. Not at present, sir. "
General Orlov walked into the hall and Belyev entered the Colonel's office. She shut the door behind her, and the General could only imagine what was taking place behind the soundproof door.
Not that it mattered. Rossky had been put on notice and would have to follow the rules to the letter though Orlov had a feeling that rules might begin to change once the Colonel got Interior Minister Dogin on the phone.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
Griff Egenes returned to the Oval Office.
"State troopers are on the way to Forest Road," he said, "and one of my teams is choppering in from New York. They'll have this lunatic before the half hour."
"He won't fight them," said Burkow.
Egenes sat heavily. "What do you mean'?"
"I mean, we've given him what he wants. He'll spout some radical crap and let himself be taken."
"Shit," said Egenes. "I really wanted to squeeze him."
"Me too," said Burkow.
The National Security Chief turned to Mike Rodgers. Though the mood in the Oval Office was grim, Burkow owned the gravest face of the group.
"So, Mike?" Burkow asked. "Who are these creatures and how do we squash the rest of them?"
"Before you answer," said the President, "can someone tell me if the Russians have anything going militarily that can snowball into an invasion? Aren't we supposed to watch for these things?"
Mel Parker, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the administration's silent man, said, "While Ekdol was busy dictating terms of unconditional surrender, I rang Defense Secretary Colon. He called the Pentagon. I'm told that several Russian divisions are on maneuvers right at the Ukrainian border. Pretty big numbers compared to what they usually do in the region, but nothing that would have sent up a warning signal."
"No troop movements anywhere else?" Rodgers asked.
"NRO is putting all their resources into finding out," Parker replied.
"But the border could be a staging area," the President said.
"It could very well be," said Parker.
"There's the goddamn problem," said FBI chief Egenes. "All this downsizing. We have too few HUMINT resources. A satellite can't tell us about foot soldiers bitching about tomorrow's march or what it says on a map inside a field tent. That's where the real intelligence is."
"That's a problem," Rodgers agreed, "but it has very little to do with this situation."
"How so?" asked Rachlin.
"The truth is," said Rodgers, "this Groznyite didn't buy himself a thing."
"What do you mean?" asked Tobey, who had been silent as she took notes for Burkow.
"Assume there's an invasion," Rodgers said, "say Russia goes into the Ukraine. We wouldn't intervene."
"Why not?" she asked.
"Because then we'd be at war with Russia," Rodgers said, "and what do we do next? We don't have the capacity to wage an effective conventional war. We proved that in Haiti and Somalia. If we tried, casualties would be heavy and they'd be all over TV. The public and Congress would shut us down faster than a crap game in church. And we can't go in with missiles, bombers, and big-scale attacks because of the collateral damage and civilian casualties."
"I'm crying big, fat, Betty Boop tears," Burkow said. "It's a war. People are going to get hurt. And if I'm not mistaken, the Russians fired the first salvo against a bunch of civilians in New York City."
"We don't know that the Russian government authorized that," Egenes pointed out.
"Exactly," said Secretary Lincoln. "And frankly, as unpopular as this might be, I'm not sure I'd want to see us fight a war for Eastern Europe, even a just one. Germany and France wouldn't join us. They might not even support us. NATO could conceivably turn on us. The expense of repelling Russia and rebuilding those nations after a war would be horrendous."
"No," Burkow said with an edge of disgust. "Better to build another Maginot Line to keep the enemy out, like the Three Little Pigs and their house of straw. I don't buy that. I believe you go to the den of the Big Bad Wolf, napalm the bejesus out of him, and make a coat from what's left. I know that isn't the politically, sensitive thing to do, but we're not the ones who started this."
"Tell me," Lincoln asked Rodgers, "did the Japanese send you a box of chocolates and a thank-you note when you stopped Tokyo from being evaporated by those North Korean nodong missiles?"
"I didn't do it for a Pat on the back," said Rodgers. "I did it because it was right."
"And we were all very proud of you," Lincoln said. "But I still count two Americans dead versus zero Japanese.
The President said, "I'm in Mel's camp on this one, but we're losing sight of our immediate problem: who's behind this and why." He looked at his watch. "I'm scheduled to go on the air at ten past eleven to talk about the bombing. Tobey, will you have the speech updated to talk about the capture of the bomber thanks to the fast work of the FBI, CIA, and others?"
The National Security Assistant nodded and walked to the nearest phone.
The President regarded Rodgers. "General, is this why you advised me to capitulate to the bomber? Because we were going to do what he wanted anyway?"
"No, sir," said Rodgers. "The truth is, we didn't capitulate to him. We distracted him."
Lawrence leaned back, his hands behind his head. "From what?"
"Our counterattack," Rodgers said.
"Against whom?" Burkow asked. "The prick told us who he was with and turned himself in."
"But follow the thread backward," Rodgers said.
"We're listening," said the President.
Rodgers leaned forward, elbows on his knees. "Sir, Grozny takes its name from Ivan Grozny, Ivan the Terrible—"
"Why am I not surprised?" muttered Rachlin.
"As far back as the Revolution, they've worked for political gain, not money," Rodgers said. "They were fifth columnists in Germany during the War and caused some minor trouble here during the Cold War. We traced some of the early, unmanned Redstone rocket failures to them."
"Who finances them?" asked Parker.
"Until recently," said Rodgers, "they were underwritten by extreme nationalistic political forces that needed terrorist enforcers. Gorbachev disbanded them in the mid-1980s, at which point they hunkered down overseas, especially in the U.S. and South America, and joined with the increasingly powerful Russian mafia in an effort to overthrow their westernized leaders."
"So they must really hate Zhanin," said Lincoln.
"You've got it," said Rodgers.
"But if they're not tied to the government," the President said, "what can they be planning in Eastern Europe? A military operation of any size can't be run without the approval of the Kremlin. This isn't Chechnya, with a handful of generals in the field dictating military policy to President Yeltsin."