“Possibly. Their three mobile divisions in the south have moved towards Kupyansk, but I doubt if they would try to take that city unsupported. This is why we think they are planning an imminent operation.”
“A pincer operation against our 1st and 2nd Shock Groups,” said Zhukov, pointing out their positions on the map. “This would be the safe choice for them now. It confronts our main strength in the south, threatens an encirclement operation, and serves to expend our use of that force in any offensive role.”
“Then we must beat them to the punch,” said Kirov. “Can’t you use those two shock groups to attack now?”
“Where? Towards the Middle Donets again? We would have the same battle that we just lost. Steiner would simply cross the Donets at Chuguyev and cut us off. In fact, I believe this is exactly what their General Manstein would like us to do—attack towards the Middle Donets. He would fold back his line and graciously let us go there. And then he would cut us off again. No, I think we should wait and receive whatever offensive they have planned. Then devise an appropriate counterattack.”
“This pincer operation—is that what they will do?” Kirov looked at Berzin.
“We have picked up a lot of traffic, logistical orders and such. Something is brewing. The code word is Habicht —Hawk. Yet we have also gotten wind of another operational code: Zitadelle —Citadel.” Both Berzin and Kirov knew of these operations from the Material they still held secret, and now they would seek to plant certain information in the mind of Zhukov to prepare him for things they saw looming on the near horizon. Neither man could be certain that the Germans would do what they did in the Material, but if they did choose such a plan, Kirov wanted Zhukov to have a way to answer it.
Chapter 11
“Where is this Citadel operation?” asked Zhukov.
“A plan to strike at Kursk. There has been some unusual activity in Model’s 2nd Army zone. Stores and munitions are being moved closer to his front lines, and the rail lines feeding that area are all being repaired.”
“Any sign of a buildup?”
“Not yet. A Panzer Division, number twelve, was sent to their Army Group Center last week, but their 48th Korps remains in defensive positions behind Model.”
“Watch Steiner,” said Kirov. “Those divisions will always be at the heart of any major offensive they plan. General Zhukov, we believe there may be more than meets the eye here. What is your plan for defense in the north?”
“5th Shock Group is still there, and fairly strong. Katukov is there as well with his 1st Tank Army, but I was considering moving him to join Kuznetsov and rebuild his Shock Group in the south to an all mechanized force. The rifle divisions he had were badly mauled in the enemy counterattack, and most have now been disbanded.”
“I see… Perhaps you had best wait on that order to Katukov, at least until we let Berzin chew on this business concerning the German Citadel plan. Leave 1st Tank Army in general reserve in the north.”
“As you wish.”
“What would your response be to the other German plan—Hawk.”
“If it is a pincer operation aimed at 1st and 2nd Shock Groups, they will bite off more than they can swallow. Those forces remain very strong. We lost Ermakov’s Motor Rifle Division, and learned a good lesson when battling their armor. We still have good tank strength there, but more of the newer models are needed, and quickly.”
“We have additional Kirov-1 shipments heading your way,” said Berzin. “Some will go to Katukov, the rest to Kuznetsov.”
“That will help. To answer your earlier question, Mister General Secretary, it is my opinion that our southern group has the strength to repel any attempt to conduct an envelopment operation. I have also moved up the 47th Army from Steppe Front to stand as a general reserve and replace 63rd Army, which will need to be rebuilt. The new army is moving by rail to Kupyansk.”
“Very well, I will take your word that the south is secure. If they should instead strike us in the north, then what?”
“As Katukov is being retained there, I am confident we can hold long enough to evaluate that situation and make an appropriate response. Should the south remain stable, I would consider transferring a Shock Group to reinforce the north if necessary. However, our best option might be to simply counterattack in the south.”
“Explain,” said Kirov, thinking.
“If they strike us in the north,” said Zhukov, “then they want Kursk back. To have any chance of getting there, they will need Steiner’s troops on the line. So while they are trying to take Kursk, I will be free to attack again in the south. I could threaten Kharkov, or drive on the Middle Donets in this case. Once they look over their shoulder, I believe that would put an end to any operation against Kursk. Then we go over to general counterattack.”
“Very well, General. You have not failed us in the past. We will do what we can to redress the shortfall in heavier tanks, and please keep me informed of the general situation on the field.”
Zhukov had handed the General Secretary the old Napoleonic maxim that the best defense was a good offense. He saw his armored Shock Groups as capable of repelling any German attack, and launching another offensive if the situation warranted that. It was the very same assessment that Manstein had surmised, yet the German General could not overcome the real obstacle to German strategic planning—Adolf Hitler.
The battle fought in late April was the first real field test of the new Soviet heavy mobile forces against the best the Germans had to oppose them. The enemy had prevailed, and now Zhukov was inwardly hoping the factories could get him more tanks capable of standing with the alarmingly potent new German models in Hitler’s shock divisions.
The battle that was coming would be another test of steel versus steel. The Germans were well ahead in terms of heavy tank production. In the real history, over 80% of the tanks fielded by the Germans at Kursk were Pz-III and IV models. There were only 200 of the new Panther Pz V, 147 Tigers and 90 Ferdinands. In this history, the Panzer II had been largely phased out and replaced by the German Leopards with a 50mm main gun. Almost all the Pz IIIs were gone, sent off to HQ companies, and rear area depot garrisons, or delivered to the Hungarians, Rumanians and Italians. Only 75 Pz-IIIN tanks were on the field in late May of 1943 in the south, with 30 more Flampanzer models. There were still 402 Pz IV’s, mostly F1 and F2 models, but the new Lion-75 was vying to become the standard medium tank, and there were 342 of those on the field.
The real difference was in the heavy tank category, the legacy of Brigadier Kinlan and his Challenger II’s. The shock had been so severe, that it had spurred the German effort to increase both armor and hitting power for its panzer force. As a result, there were now about 250 Lion-88 models in the south, with 46 more Tiger I’s and 243 Panthers. They also had 80 Ferdinand ‘Elephants’ arriving by rail that very week.
This monster was built on unused chassis designed by Porsche when they were competing for the contract to build the Tiger tank. Henschel got the contract for the Tiger, so Porsche had about 100 unused chassis and designed a new tank destroyer mounting Krupp's newly developed 88 mm Panzerjägerkanone 43. It was meant to replace the lightly armored Nashorn, and when it came to armor, this 65-ton beast was given a full 200mm, a full 80mm thicker than the Tiger.
All in all, the heavy metal the Germans were wielding was much stronger than in the real history. The plan was to line up six panzer divisions abreast, the 9th, 6th and 11th on the left, backed by Grossdeutschland Division, and Steiner’s three SS divisions on the right. The ground they would attack into was not traversed by networks of trenches and minefields, nor was there a strong anti-tank line established yet. The thick layers of concentric defensive lines that had proved so impenetrable in the real battle did not exist here. That said, the forces deployed near the point of attack were still very strong.