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Hitler nodded, seeing the situation in the cold light of reality now. He had wanted Baku, and Astrakhan, but even he could see that he would never get them. He had wanted to deny them to Volkov, even if he could not take that oil for himself, and this was what Manstein was now proposing.

“Then this entire move into the Caucasus was a great waste,” said Hitler.

“Quite the contrary,” said Manstein. “Yes, we might have negotiated for Maykop. That all went badly, but given that we are now at war with Volkov, the drive south to Groznyy was a severe blow to his little empire. We have shown him that we can push him any time we choose. Now we can utterly destroy his facilities at Groznyy, tear up his infrastructure so badly that he can make no use of the oil he covets there. We already have what we came for—useable oil, and fields within reach of ports that can get it to Germany. I strongly suggest we focus all our efforts on the Maykop-Tuapse pipeline. Now that Raeder has destroyed the Soviet Black Sea Fleet, we are masters of those sea-lanes. The oil can be shipped directly to Constanta on the Romanian coast, and then all the oil cars from Ploesti will be waiting to take it there for refinement and shipping to the Reich.”

Hitler was silent for some time, thinking, looking over the map. Everything Manstein said made perfect sense. He would not get Baku, and Astrakhan, and it was true that the oil fields of Groznyy were simply too far away to be of any benefit within the next year. The same could be said for Baba Gurgur, for that oil would have to move by rail over 1700 kilometers, through Turkey to Istanbul, and the rail capacity could not feed Guderian’s divisions while it also moved oil in any quantity that could matter.

It was abysmally clear to him now that all his adventures, in Syria, in Iraq and the Caucasus, had been as expensive as they were successful. He seized vast amounts of terrain, but most of it was absolutely useless, and much of it relied on the tentative agreements he had forged with Turkey. Manstein hit this front directly with his next statement.

“My Führer… Rommel gave you Damascus, and Guderian gave you Baghdad. What good has that done for us? We will not get to Cairo through Damascus, and Guderian will not get to Basrah any more than I will get to Astrakhan. These should no longer be considered strategic objectives. In fact, any further plans aimed at securing them would be foolhardy.”

Hitler wanted to shift the blame. “Need I remind you that it was you who first proposed such a movement through Turkey. I devised Plan Orient on your recommendation.”

“True, but that was in 1941. The movement into Syria was halfhearted, and meant only to support the Vichy French. Your recent offensives were bold and daring, but they simply came too late. If we had done this in 1941, things would be different. Now however, the occupation of Syria and Iraq is as much a liability as Tunisia was, and it could end the same way. Operation Phoenix, if continued, will become an Albatross. We need divisions for Italy and Southern France now. Where will we get them? Consider what I have said. Destroy Groznyy and Baba Gurgur, and then bring those troops here. Consolidate around Maykop and free up another eight to ten divisions there. The Western Allies are a minor threat at the moment. If you move all of Kubler’s divisions to Italy, we will have very good prospects there, and with Guderian’s forces back in the fold here, we can deal with the real threat—the Soviets. Then you will actually have the troops needed to launch Operation Downfall.”

Hitler took a deep breath. “I have considered this for some months now. The Spring campaign was a great success, but the summer in Iraq is merciless. I have already recalled the Wiking Division, and the Brandenburgers. In time, I can see that I will have to pull out all those Panzer divisions I sent Rommel and Guderian as well. I may be stubborn, Herr General, but I am not blind, nor am I stupid as your tone with me would sometimes assume. I have already told Zeitzler to begin planning the movement of the better divisions from our Middle East adventures. As for what you suggest in destroying the key oil fields we have seized, I have every intention of doing so. It is a pity that Guderian did not push harder to get to Basra and Abadan. Then I could have the pleasure of destroying those fields as well. If I cannot keep and use what I have taken, then no one else will make use of that oil either—not for years.”

“Precisely,” said Manstein. “Then what about my suggestion that we consolidate in the Caucasus?”

“I will give it further consideration, and take up the matter with OKW. I have made that headquarters responsible for all matters on the Ostfront now. OKH is a nuisance. We will have one central headquarters to manage all the affairs of the army, OKW.”

“And perhaps it would also be wise to appoint a senior officer to take full charge of the Ostfront,” said Manstein. “Decisions would, of course, require your final approval, but it would relieve the burden you now carry.”

“General Manstein… I came here with the possible intention of removing you from command, but I have mastered that impulse. Do not stand there now and suggest that I be removed from command. Without my constant vigilance, this Army would become a shamble.”

Silence.

“Very well,” Manstein said with an air of finality. “Is it your wish that I relinquish this command? I am perfectly willing to hand over to anyone you propose. For that matter, I am willing to countermand any of the orders I have recently relayed to OKW, though I tell you, and with no uncertainty, that to do so would invite disaster.”

“No, General, I think I will keep you right where you are. But you must not be rash! I need your loyalty, as much as I need the good advice I have always sought from you. Now then…. As to the matter at hand. What will it take to stop these Soviet offensives? You did so a month ago, even if we did not recover all the ground they took from us.”

Manstein pointed to the map. “At the moment, our situation on the Middle Donets is quite precarious. That gap I pointed out is over 35 miles wide. That was where I sent the Wiking Division, but it cannot hope to defend such a frontage, nor can it be used to counterattack under the present circumstances. I have Steiner well concentrated to hold Kharkov, and I can assure you that the city will not fall—unless the front to the northwest should collapse. Then Kharkov would be in grave danger of encirclement. I need more infantry. Armeegruppe Center must provide it, and failing that, I have already suggested where it can be found.”

“Very well,” said Hitler. “I will get you every division I can, and then you must put a stop to these spoiling attacks. Downfall simply cannot proceed until this matter is cleaned up. I will consider what you have asked concerning the Caucasus, but I caution you not to make any further withdrawals without direct approval from OKW. If, however, you can find a way to maintain our current position there while extracting a few divisions for use on the lower Donets, then I give you my permission to make these transfers. But advise OKW before you do so, not after. Do not think you can present me with a fait accompli and do whatever you wish. There is a limit to my forbearance. Your plan delivered France in 1940. You took the Crimea, the Donbass, the Don basin, and Volgograd. I have had every faith in your ability in the past, and I will continue to rely on you, especially in times of crisis.”