Pytheas’ home port of Massalia (now Marseilles), was founded in 600 BC by settlers from the Greek city of Phocea. The sheltered natural harbour was an obvious attraction and it was close to the valley of the river Rhône, which at that time was a major trade route bringing British tin and Baltic amber to the Mediterranean. The Phoceans had the reputation of being the most adventurous Greek seafarers. Soon after founding Massalia they had sailed through the fabled Pillars of Hercules – the Straits of Gibraltar – into the Atlantic Ocean to trade with the mineral-rich Iberian kingdom of Tartessos. One of them, Midacritus, was rumoured to have gone even further and brought back tin from Britain. However, around 500 BC the Phoceans were shut out of the Atlantic when the powerful North African city of Carthage gained control of the Pillars of Hercules. Carthage lived by trade and did not welcome foreign merchants in its sphere of influence. Pytheas’ expedition, therefore, was probably commercial, to seek out new trade routes for Massalia in areas not controlled by Carthage.
When he set out, Pytheas probably bypassed hostile Carthaginian territory by travelling overland from Massalia to the Bay of Biscay and there chartered a ship from one of the local Celtic tribes to take him on to Britain. The Veneti of Brittany were particularly well-known for building sturdy wooden sailing ships with which they carried on a brisk trade in tin with Britain. Pytheas landed at Belerion – Land’s End – and travelled the whole length of Britain. Everything the Greeks knew about Britain up until then was based on hearsay. For the first time Pytheas added some reliable facts. His estimate of Britain’s circumference as around 40,000 stades, approximately 4,500 miles, is remarkably close to the actual distance of around 4,700 miles. The next stage of Pytheas’ journey took him far beyond the edge of the known world. Setting out from an unidentified island off Britain’s north coast, Pytheas sailed north for six days until he reached the land he called Thule. Pytheas’ observation that the sun was below the horizon for only two or three hours at midsummer fixes Thule’s latitude at about 64° north. However, Pytheas had no means of calculating longitude.There is no doubt that Thule was a land in the far north but where exactly? The uncertainty of its location has made Thule more a symbol of ultimate hyperborean remoteness than a real place.
Iceland or even Greenland have been proposed as possible locations for Thule but, as this comment on Pytheas’ account by the Greek geographer Strabo (c. 63/64 BC–AD 24) makes clear, Thule was inhabited by farming peoples:
‘[Pytheas] might possibly seem to have made adequate use of the facts as regards the people who live close to the frozen zone, when he says that, the people live on millet and other herbs, and on fruits and roots; and where there are grain and honey, the people get their beverage, also, from them. As for the grain, he says, since they have no pure sunshine, that they pound it out in large storehouses, after first gathering in the ears thither; for the threshing floors become useless because of this lack of sunshine and because of the rains.’ The Geography of Strabo, bk IV 5.5 (Loeb Classics, 1917).
Greenland was inhabited only by early Inuit hunter-gatherers at this time, and Iceland by no one at all, so neither could have been Pytheas’ Thule. This means that Pytheas’ landfall must have been somewhere around Trondheim Fjord on Norway’s west coast. Despite its northerly latitude, the Norwegian coast has a relatively mild climate thanks to the influence of the warm Atlantic Gulf Stream current, which makes farming possible even north of the Arctic Circle. Trondheim Fjord’s sheltered south and east shores have some of Norway’s most fertile soils and farmers were settled on them as early as 2800 BC. Pytheas sailed still further north and his observations make it clear that he crossed the Arctic Circle. He also claimed that a day’s sail north of Thule was the Frozen Sea, though it is not clear if he actually saw this for himself or merely reported what other seafarers had told him.
Following his visit to Thule, Pytheas headed south to explore the Baltic, which he must have reached via the Skagerrak, the Kattegat and one of the passages through the Danish islands. Pytheas visited the unidentified island of Abalus from whose shores amber was collected. A translucent fossil resin with a fiery colour, amber had been prized in the Mediterranean world for thousands of years, not only because of its beauty but because of its seemingly magical electrostatic properties: called electrum by the Greeks, amber has given us the word ‘electricity’. The origins of amber were the subject of several myths but Pytheas was the first to establish its true source. Abalus has been identified as the Danish islands of Sjælland or Bornholm, the Samland peninsula near Kaliningrad (the richest source of amber today), and the North Sea island of Heligoland. Heligoland seems unlikely as Pytheas says that Abalus was a day’s sail from the lands of the Goths, who at that time lived on the Baltic coast. Pytheas explored the Baltic at least as far east as the Vistula, before returning to Massalia by a round-about route, following the River Tanais (Don) south to the Black Sea, where he would have had little difficulty finding a ship to take him home at one of the many Greek colonies there.
Brief though it is, Strabo’s extract from Pytheas, quoted above, is the earliest eyewitness account of the lives of the Vikings’ ancestors that we have, but beyond telling us that they enjoyed drinking mead and ale and had to dry their grain indoors, it doesn’t tell us much. If Pytheas did have more to say about the languages, customs and social institutions of the people of Thule, his readers did not think it worth preserving. To learn anything meaningful about the Vikings’ earliest ancestors we have to turn to archaeology.
The ancestors of the Vikings were most likely Stone Age farmers who began to colonise Scandinavia around 6,000 years ago, displacing or assimilating hunter-gatherers whose own ancestors had arrived at the end of the last Ice Age some 6,000 years earlier. These pioneer farmers belonged to the Corded Ware Culture (named for the way its pottery was decorated by pressing twisted cords into the wet clay), which originated on the north German plain. Although the connection will probably never be proven beyond doubt, this culture is associated with the early spread of the Germanic, Slavic and Baltic languages. If true, the settlers probably already spoke an early form of the modern Scandinavian languages, which all belong, with modern German, English, Dutch and Frisian, to the Germanic language family. The close genetic similarity between modern Danes, Norwegians and Swedes on the one hand, and modern north Germans on the other, strengthens rather than weakens this conclusion. No convincing evidence exists for any further substantial migration into Scandinavia before the later twentieth century. Scandinavia would make its mark on history as an exporter of population.
About 1800 BC bronze artefacts began to appear in Scandinavia. Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin, neither of which were available in Scandinavia at that time (Sweden’s rich copper reserves were not discovered until the Middle Ages). Scandinavians were, therefore, completely dependent on imported bronze. At first, finished bronze artefacts were imported, but after Scandinavian smiths mastered the skills of bronze casting they probably relied on imported bronze ingots, which were widely traded around Europe. This was the period when amber first began to be traded widely in Europe, so it was probably the commodity the early Scandinavians used to pay for their bronze. The high value placed on amber ensured that bronze was never in short supply in the north. The increase in long distance trade helped stimulate the development of a more hierarchical society, as demonstrated by the appearance of small numbers of richly furnished elite burials marked by earth barrows. Stone suitable for toolmaking is widespread but bronze’s exotic origins, and the specialised skills needed to make and cast it, allowed its distribution to be monopolised by a small elite whose power and status were thereby greatly enhanced. In the more fertile areas of southern Scandinavia, farms began to cluster in small villages. The typical dwelling was a longhouse – a long narrow building in which the family and its livestock lived under one roof, the people at one end, the animals in a byre at the other. The livestock helped keep the house warm in winter. The presence of a single large dwelling among otherwise smaller dwellings indicates that villages were dominated by a single headman or chief. In Norway and much of Sweden, dispersed settlement remained the norm until the end of the Viking Age.