A computer monitor to his left beeped. Hood glanced at the E-mail message from Bugs Benet: the other Task Force members were ready for the teleconference. Hood pushed the ALT key to acknowledge, then regarded Liz.
"I believe in first impressions, not in psychology. But I've never met the North Korean leaders, so I have to rely on you. Here's what I need."
Liz uncapped her pen and began writing.
"I want you to go back to your data and give me a fresh profile of the top North Korean leaders factoring in the following: even if they didn't endorse that attack, how will they react to a Defcon 5 mobilization on our part, to a possible South Korean reprisal in Pyongyang, and whether any of the DPRK generals are crazy enough to have authorized something like this without a presidential okay.
"I also want you to recheck that study you gave the CONEX people about China. You said that the Chinese wouldn't want to get into a war on the peninsula, but that a few officials might push for it. Write up who and why and send a copy to Ambassador Rachlin in Beijing so he can do whatever stroking he feels is necessary."
When they were finished— indicated, as always, by the Director's exasperated exhaling, of which he probably wasn't even aware— Liz stood and Hood buzzed her out. Before the door had shut again, Op-Center's Interpol/FBI liaison Darrell McCaskey stepped in. Hood acknowledged the short, wiry, prematurely gray ex-FBI man and, when McCaskey was seated, Hood tapped the Control key on his keyboard. As he did, the monitor divided into six equal sections, three across and two down. Five of them were live television images of the other attendees at that morning's meeting; the sixth was Bugs Benet who would monitor the transcription minutes of the meeting. There was a black bar at the bottom for messages: if it was necessary for Hood to be updated on developments in Korea, the Op-Center Situation Room would send a concise message crawling across the screen.
Hood didn't understand why it was necessary to see the people he was talking to, but wherever hi-tech was available it was used, whether it was pertinent or not. The whole setup reminded him of the opening of The Brady Bunch.
The audio for each image was controlled by the F buttons on the keyboard, and before he turned on the others he hit F6 to talk to Bugs.
"Has Mike Rodgers come in yet?"
"Not yet. But the team has taken the field, so he should be here shortly."
"Send him over when he arrives. Does Herbert have anything for us?"
"Also negative. Our intelligence people in the DPRK were as surprised as we were by all this. He's in touch with the KCIA, and I'll let you know when they have something."
Hood thanked him, then regarded the faces of his colleagues as he tapped Fl through F5.
"Can everyone hear me?"
Five heads nodded.
"Good. Gentlemen, it was my impression— and correct me if I'm wrong— that the President wants to be decisive in his handling of this crisis."
"And victorious," Av Lincoln's little image added.
"And victorious. Which means that the carrots we suggest may be a lot shorter than our sticks. Steve, you have the policy files."
The National Security Adviser turned slightly to look at another monitor in his office. "Our policy on the peninsula is governed, of course, by treaty with the South. Within that framework, we are committed to the following: to work toward the stabilization of both sides, politically. To denuclearize the North and promote the NPT; to maintain a North/South dialogue; to follow our historic consultation procedure with Japan and China; to become immediately and closely involved in any initiatives undertaken by either side; and to make sure that no third party takes a more active hand in the foregoing than the United States."
"In short," said the Secretary of State, "we keep all our fingers in the pie."
Hood took a moment to look from face to face. There was no need to invite further comment: if anyone had anything to say, they'd say it.
"Strategies, then," he said. "Mel, what do the Joint Chiefs of Staff feel we should do?"
"We only spoke briefly," he said, using two fingers to smooth down his thin mustache. "But Ernie, Mel, Greg, and I were talking before you arrived at the White House, and we're all of a mind about this. Regardless of whether the bombing was an officially sanctioned act or not, we will seek to contain it through diplomatic channels. The DPRK will be assured of continuing bilateral talks, of increased trade, and of our help in maintaining the current regime."
"The only caveat," said blond, youthful-looking CIA Director Greg Kidd, "is whether economic and political rewards will be enough to deter them from a land grab. South Korea is the Holy Grail to them, particularly to some of the generals, who may not settle for anything less. Taking the South would also save them a fortune: the nuclear weapons program is a serious drain on the economy, and they could ratchet that down if they didn't have to worry about our nuclear presence in the South."
"So we may have a situation where it makes better fiduciary sense to unleash a conventional war rather than pursue an all-out nuclear arms race."
"Correct, Paul. Especially when they have to play catch-up against the U.S."
"If money is such a large part of this," Hood continued, "what can we do to put the screws to them financially?"
Av said, "I've got the Deputy Secretary of State on the phone with Japan right now, but it's a touchy situation. Both Koreas still harbor a great deal of antagonism toward Japan for atrocities during the Second World War, but the North and South are also trading partners with Japan. If they can't stay on the sidelines, they're going to try very hard to maintain normal relations with both sides."
"Typical," Mel muttered.
"Understandable," Av countered. "The Japanese live in dread of war on the peninsula and the possibility that it will spread."
Greg Kidd said, "There's something else to consider. Failing neutrality, it's very likely that Japan will side with the North."
"Against us?" Hood asked.
"Against us."
"Typical," Mel reiterated.
"The financial ties between Japan and the DPRK go deeper than most people realize. The Japanese underworld has been investing drug and gambling profits heavily in the North we think with the tacit blessings of Tokyo."
"Why would the government sanction that?" asked Hood.
"Because of their fear that the North Koreans have Nodong 'Scud' missiles capable of crossing the sea. If there were a war, and the North Koreans wanted to play that trump card, the Japanese could take quite a pounding. Despite the great PR, our Patriot missiles took out a very small number of Scuds during the Gulf War. The Japanese will back us so long as they don't get their hair mussed."
Hood was silent for a moment. It was his job to pull threads and see where they took him, regardless of how bizarre it seemed on the surface. He turned to Deputy Assistant Director McCaskey.
"Darrell, what's the name of the super-nationalists in Japan, the ones that blew up the Mexico City stock exchange when Bush started pushing NAFTA?"
"The Red Sky League."
"That's the one. As I recall, they oppose close Japanese ties with the U.S."
"True, though they've always taken immediate credit for anything they do. But you've got a point: this may be a third party operation, maybe arms dealers in the Middle East looking to make a killing selling to the North. I'll put some people on it."
The ex-FBI agent went to the computer on the other side of the room and began E-mailing his sources in Asia and Europe.
"That's an interesting notion," Greg Kidd said, "one I had as well. But arms sales may not be what's behind this. I've got people looking into whether someone is trying to draw us into a war while they go hog wild somewhere else, Iraq or the Haitians, for example. They know the American public would never stand for our soldiers fighting in two wars at the same time. If they can get us waist deep in Korea first, that'll leave them free to fight their own war."