It is worth notice that the first glimmerings of political economy came to be seen through the discussions on money, and the extraordinary movements of gold and silver. About the time of Charles V, the young study was born, accompanied by the revival of learning, the Reformation, the discovery of America, and the great fall in the value of gold and silver. Modern society was just beginning, and had already brought manufactures into existence—woolens in England, silks in France, Genoa, and Florence; Venice had become the great commercial city of the world; the Hanseatic League was carrying goods from the Mediterranean to the Baltic; and the Jews of Lombardy had by that time brought into use the bill of exchange. While the supply of the precious metals had been tolerably constant hitherto, the steady increase of business brought about a fall of prices. From the middle of the fourteenth to the end of the fifteenth century the purchasing power of money increased in the ratio of four to ten. Then into this situation came the great influx of gold and silver from the New World. Prices rose unequally; the trading and manufacturing classes were flourishing, while others were depressed. In the sixteenth century the price of wheat tripled, but wages only doubled; the laboring-classes of England deteriorated, while others were enriched, producing profound social changes and the well-known flood of pauperism, together with the rise of the mercantile classes. Then new channels of trade were opened to the East and West. Of course, men saw but dimly the operation of these economic causes; although the books now began to hint at the right understanding of the movements and the true laws of money.
Even before this time, however, Nicole Orêsme, Bishop of Lisieux (died 1382), had written intelligently on money;[4] but, about 1526, the astronomer Copernicus gave a very good exposition of some of the functions of money. But he, as well as Latimer,[5] while noticing the economic changes, gave no correct explanation. The Seigneur de Malestroit, a councilor of the King of France, however, by his errors drew out Jean Bodin[6] to say that the rise of prices was due to the abundance of money brought from America. But he was in advance of his time, as well as William Stafford,[7] the author of the first English treatise on money, which showed a perfect insight into the subject. Stafford distinctly grasped the idea that the high prices brought no loss to merchants, great gain to those who held long leases, and loss to those who did not buy and sell; that, in reality, commodities were exchanged when money was passed from hand to hand.
Such was the situation[8] which prefaced the first general system destined to be based on supposed economic considerations, wrongly understood, to be sure, but vigorously carried out. I refer to the well-known mercantile system which over-spread Europe.[9] Spain, as the first receiver of American gold and silver, attributed to it abnormal power, and by heavy duties and prohibitions tried to keep the precious metals to herself. This led to a general belief in the tenets of the mercantile system, and its adoption by all Europe. 1. It was maintained that, where gold and silver abounded, there would be found no lack of the necessaries of life; 2. Therefore governments should do all in their power to secure an abundance of money. Noting that commerce and political power seemed to be in the hands of the states having the greatest quantity of money, men wished mainly to create such a relation of exports and imports of goods as would bring about an importation of money. The natural sequence of this was, the policy of creating a favorable “balance of trade” by increasing exports and diminishing imports, thus implying that the gain in international trade was not a mutual one. The error consisted in supposing that a nation could sell without buying, and in overlooking the instrumental character of money. The errors even went so far as to create prohibitory legislation, in the hope of shutting out imported goods and keeping the precious metals at home. The system spread over Europe, so that France (1544) and England (1552) forbade the export of specie. But, with the more peaceful conditions at the end of the sixteenth century, the expansion of commerce, the value of money became steadier, and prices advanced more slowly.
Italian writers were among the first to discuss the laws of money intelligently,[10] but a number of acute Englishmen enriched the literature of the subject,[11] and it may be said that any modern study of political economy received its first definite impulse from England and France.
The prohibition of the export of coin was embarrassing to the East India Company and to merchants; and Mun tried to show that freedom of exportation would increase the amount of gold and silver in a country, since the profits in foreign trade would bring back more than went out. It probably was not clear to them, however, that the export of bullion to the East was advantageous, because the commodities brought back in return were more valuable in England than the precious metals. The purpose of the mercantilists was to increase the amount of gold and silver in the country. Mun, with some penetration, had even pointed out that too much money was an evil; but in 1663 the English Parliament removed the restriction on the exportation of coin. The balance-of-trade heresy, that exports should always exceed imports (as if merchants would send out goods which, when paid for in commodities, should be returned in a form of less value than those sent out!), was the outcome of the mercantile system, and it has continued in the minds of many men to this day. The policy which aimed at securing a favorable balance of trade, and the plan of protecting home industries, had the same origin. If all consumable goods were produced at home, and none imported, that would increase exports, and bring more gold and silver into the country. As all the countries of Europe had adopted the mercantile theory after 1664, retaliatory and prohibitory tariffs were set up against each other by England, France, Holland, and Germany. Then, because it was seen that large sums were paid for carrying goods, in order that no coin should be required to pay foreigners in any branch of industry, navigation laws were enacted, which required goods to be imported only in ships belonging to the importing nation. These remnants of the mercantile system continue to this day in the shipping laws of this and other countries.[12]
A natural consequence of the navigation acts, and of the mercantile system, was the so-called colonial policy, by which the colonies were excluded from all trade except with the mother-country. A plantation like New England, which produced commodities in competition with England, was looked upon with disfavor for her enterprise; and all this because of the fallacy, at the foundation of the mercantile system, that the gain in international trade is not mutual, but that what one country gains another must lose.[13]
An exposition of mercantilism would not be complete without a statement of the form it assumed in France under the guidance of Colbert,[14] the great minister of Louis XIV, from 1661 to 1683. In order to create a favorable balance of trade, he devoted himself to fostering home productions, by attempts to abolish vexatious tolls and customs within the country, and by an extraordinary system of supervision in manufacturing establishments (which has been the stimulus to paternal government from which France has never since been able to free herself). Processes were borrowed from England, Germany, and Sweden, and new establishments for making tapestries and silk goods sprang up; even the sizes of fabrics were regulated by Colbert, and looms unsuitable for these sizes destroyed. In 1671 wool-dyers were given a code of detailed instructions as to the processes and materials that might be used. Long after, French industry felt the difficulty of struggling with stereotyped processes. His system, however, naturally resulted in a series of tariff measures (in 1664 and 1667). Moderate duties on the exportation of raw materials were first laid on, followed by heavy customs imposed on the importation of foreign goods. The shipment of coin was forbidden; but Colbert's criterion of prosperity was the favorable balance of trade. French agriculture was overlooked. The tariff of 1667 was based on the theory that foreigners must of necessity buy French wines, lace, and wheat; that the French could sell, but not buy; but the act of 1667 cut off the demand for French goods, and Portuguese wines came into the market. England and Holland retaliated and shut off the foreign markets from France. The wine and wheat growers of the latter country were ruined, and the rural population came to the verge of starvation. Colbert's last years were full of misfortune and disappointment; and a new illustration was given of the fallacy that the gain from international trade was not mutual.
4
Roscher exhumed this book, entitled “De Origine, Natura, Jure et Mutationibus Monetarum,” and it was reprinted in 1864 by Wolowski at Paris, together with the treatise of Copernicus, “De Monetae Cudendae Ratione.”
5
Sermon at St. Paul's Cross, 1549 (also see Jacob, “On the Precious Metals,” pp. 244, 245).
6
1530-1596. See II. Baudrillart's “J. Bodin et son temps” (Paris, 1853). Bodin wrote “Réponse aux paradoxes de M. de Malestroit touchant l'enchérissement de toutes les choses et des monnaies” (1568), and “Discours sur le rehaussement et la diminution des monnaies” (1578).
7
“A Briefe Conceipte of English Policy” (1581). The book was published under the initials “W. S.,” and was long regarded as the production of Shakespere.
8
For information on this as well as a later period, consult Jacob “On the Precious Metals” (1832), a history of the production and influences of gold and silver from the earliest times. He is considered a very high authority. Humboldt's “Essay on New Spain” gives estimates and facts on the production of the precious metals in America. A very excellent study has been made by Levasseur in his “Histoire des classes ouvrières en France jusqu'à la Révolution.” For pauperism and its history, Nicholl's “History of the Poor Laws” is, of course, to be consulted.
10
See Antonio Serra, “Breve Trattato delle Cause che possono fare abbondare li Regni d' Oro e d' Argento,” Naples, 1613.
11
Thomas Mun, “England's Treasure by Foreign Trade” (published in 1640 and 1664); “Advice of the Council of Trade” (1660), in Lord Overstone's “Select Tracts on Money”; Sir William Petty, “Political Arithmetic,” etc. (about 1680); Sir Josiah Child, “New Discourse of Trade” (1690); Sir Dudley North, “Discourse on Trade” (1691); Davenant's Works (1690-1711); Joshua Gee, “Trade and Navigation of Great Britain” (1730); Sir Matthew Decker (according to McCulloch, William Richardson), “Essay on the Causes of the Decline of Foreign Trade” (1744); Sir James Steuart, “An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy” (1767). For this period also consult Anderson's “History of Commerce” (1764), Macpherson's “Annals of Commerce” (1803), and Lord Sheffield's “Observations on the Commerce of the American States” (1783).
12
The English Navigation Act of 1651 is usually described as the cause of the decline of Dutch shipping. The taxation necessitated by her wars is rather the cause, as history shows it to us. Sir Josiah Child (1668 and 1690) speaks of a serious depression in English commerce, and says the low rate of interest among the Dutch hurts the English trade. This does not show that the acts greatly aided English shipping. Moreover, Gee, a determined partisan of the mercantile theory, says, in 1730, that the ship-trade was languishing. Sir Matthew Decker (1744) confirms Gee's impressions. It looks very much as if the commercial supremacy of England was acquired by internal causes, and in spite of her navigation acts. The anonymous author of “Britannia Languens” confirms this view.
13
This was, in substance, the whole teaching of one of the leading and most intelligent writers, Sir James Steuart (1767), “Principles of Political Economy.” See also Held's “Carey's Socialwissenschaft und das Merkantilsystem” (1866), which places Carey among the mercantilists.
14
Forbonnais, “Récherches sur les finances de la France” (1595-1721); Pierre Clément, “Histoire de Colbert et de son administration” (1874); “Lettres, instructions et mémoires de Colbert” (1861-1870); “Histoire du système protecteur en France” (1854); Martin, “Histoire de France,” tome xiii.