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In the program of the anti-Semitic “Union of the Russian People” one could read that “the Russian people, as the gatherer of Russian lands and the creator of the great might of the state, enjoys a preferential position in national life and in national administration.”[40] One of the demands was that the number of Jewish deputies to the State Duma be restricted to three: “Such limitation is necessary because of the disruptive, anti-state activity of the united Jewish masses, their unceasing hatred of everything Russian, and the unscrupulousness which they so openly demonstrated during the revolutionary movement [of 1905].”[41] It was added that “Jews could, of course, not be members of the Union.”[42] In September 1903 Znamya (The Banner), which would later become the official paper of the Union, was the first to publish in nine articles the complete text of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a pamphlet about a Jewish plot to dominate the world that had been forged around 1900 by the head of the tsarist secret police in Paris at the suggestion of Pobedonostsev.[43] In October 1906 the Union founded the Black Hundreds (chornye sotnye), a terror organization with an armed wing, the Yellow Shirts—a predecessor and probably even a model for Mussolini’s blackshirts and Hitler’s Braunhemde (brownshirts). The movement mushroomed. At the height of its influence, in the years 1906–07, it had three thousand branches,[44] which is astonishing in a country with a quasi-non-existent civil society. In effect it was not so much a sign of a developing civil society as of an emerging uncivil society, because the movement played an important role in the wave of pogroms that ravaged Russia in this period and in which thousands of Jews were killed. According to Walter Laqueur there were up to seven hundred pogroms. However, these were not only perpetrated by the Black Hundred movement, but equally by the tsarist authorities. “Various parliamentary inquiry committees found that the local authorities were frequently involved; in some places where the Black Hundred did not exist… the pogrom was carried out by the police single-handed…. It was virtually impossible to establish to what extent pogroms were spontaneous and to what degree they were carefully planned and organized.”[45]

Hatred against minorities went hand in hand with hatred against foreigners and West Europeans. This xenophobic hatred was often presented as a reaction to a real or imagined disrespect on the part of the Europeans. Already in 1841 Stepan Shevyrev, a conservative Slavophile, wrote: “The West… expresses to us at every opportunity its aversion, which resembles almost a kind of hatred, and which is offensive to every Russian who enters his country.”[46] Another writer, Nikolay Danilevsky, a Russian Pan Slavist who gave Russian nationalism its biological basis, wrote in a famous article, Rossiya i Evropa (Russia and Europe), that “Europe does not recognize us as its equal…. Everything that is pure Russian and Slav, seems to him to be despicable…. Europe considers… the Russians and the Slavs as not only a strange, but also an inimical element.”[47] The Pan Slavist’s xenophobic hatred of foreigners was justified by a—largely constructed—hatred that foreigners were believed to feel against the Russian people. Hatred of the West was, therefore, considered a justified reaction, a sound defense, and a confirmation of one’s own right to exist. If you are surrounded by enemies, is not the only sound reaction that of hating your enemies and preparing for war? According to Hannah Arendt the nationalism of the Pan Slavists was “a tribal nationalism [that] always insists that its own people is surrounded by ‘a world of enemies,’ ‘one against all,’ that a fundamental difference exists between this people and all others. It claims its people to be unique, individual, incompatible with all others, and denies theoretically the very possibility of a common mankind long before it used to destroy the humanity of man.”[48]

Masaryk spoke in this context of a zoological nationalism that celebrated the supposed natural, innate qualities of the Russian people.[49] Russian feelings of inferiority vis-à-vis the inhabitants of Western Europe are overcompensated by feelings of superiority. In this process Russia’s continental imperialism becomes much more racist than the overseas imperialism of the Western European countries. The Pan-Slav ideology is double edged: it gives the—superior—Russians the right to dominate the “inferior” peoples who already live in the empire. At the same time, it gives them a mission to “liberate” the other Slav peoples. Danilevsky, for instance, “included in a future Russian empire all Balkan countries, Turkey, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Galicia, and Istria with Trieste.”[50] Nationalist racism was the dominant legitimation theory for imperialist expansion in pre–World War I Russia. This racism, however, was, as such, rather fragile as an ideological foundation—for two reasons. First, by denying the fundamental equality of mankind one exposed oneself to the racism of other peoples that considered themselves—on the same racist grounds—to be superior to the Russians. This is what happened in effect when Nazi racists considered the German race superior to the “inferior” Slavs. Second, to proclaim one’s racial superiority vis-à-vis other peoples living in the empire who, in some cases, had developed a higher culture and standard of living, such as the Balts, reveals an arrogance that can easily be exposed. This was the reason, according to Galbraith, that in continental, territorially contiguous empires, such as Russia,

The tensions were far greater than in the outlying empires of the Western Europeans because the subject peoples in this colonialism could not be persuaded that they were inferior to their rulers. Rulers and ruled alike, when washed, were white. Many of the ruled were the equal of their colonial masters in education, cultural achievement, economic well-being. Some regarded themselves as superior; this was almost always true of those who were ruled by the Russians. To be governed by one’s inferiors or, more exactly, those so regarded is an especially bitter thing.[51]

HOW THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION FORGED A NEW LEGITIMATION THEORY FOR IMPERIALIST EXPANSION

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40

V. Ivanovich, ed., Rossiyskie partii, soyuzy i ligi (Saint Petersburg, 1906), 117–122. http://www.dur.ac.uk/a.k.harrington/urpprog.html.

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41

Ivanovich, Rossiyskie partii.

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42

Ivanovich, Rossiyskie partii.

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43

Cf. Walter Laqueur, Black Hundred: The Rise of the Extreme Right in Russia (New York: HarperCollins, 1993), 35. Cf. also Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1973), 241.

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44

Laqueur, Black Hundred, 20.

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45

Laqueur, Black Hundred, 21.

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46

Stepan Shevyrev, 1841, “Vzglyad Russkogo na sovremennoe obrazovanie Evropy” (A Russian’s View of the Contemporary Development of Europe). In Golczewski and Pickhan, Russischer Nationalismus, 163.

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47

Nikolay Danilevsky, “Rossiya i Evropa” (Russia and Europe), in Golczewski and Pickhan, Russischer Nationalismus, 181–183.

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48

Arendt, Totalitarianism, 227.

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49

Quoted in Arendt, Totalitarianism, 224.

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50

Arendt, Totalitarianism, 226.

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51

Galbraith, The Age of Uncertainty, 136.