The “fulcrum.” The word described the Kremlin’s view of North Korea with precision. The Politburo saw it as the vital agent through which force could be exerted against either the Chinese or the Japanese. Borodin smiled inwardly despite his concerns. Considering his mission here, that was even a clever word play, one worthy of Crokodil, the humor magazine.
And if his country didn’t help Kim, the Chinese would be only too happy to oblige. That was something his country could not risk.
Borodin knew that firsthand. He had been stationed in the Far East early in his career. You couldn’t fly out of Vladivostok and remain unaware of the Chinese threat.
Their planes were old, antique relics for the most part. Their tanks and artillery were laughable by modern standards. And their men were underequipped. But there were so many of them and they were close to the Trans-Siberian Railway, the lifeline between European Russia and its Far Eastern possessions.
Everyone knew that the Chinese were just waiting for the right moment to stab the motherland in the back. Hadn’t those yellow-skinned, “pseudo-communists” spent years sucking up to the West, begging for technology and trade? Didn’t they insist on setting an independent, often anti-Soviet, foreign policy?
Yes, Borodin thought, the Politburo was wise to worry about North Korea’s leanings. The State didn’t need any more enemies in this part of the world — it needed friends and allies. Puppets. It was vital to give North Korea’s Great Leader as much help as he deserved, at the highest price he was willing to pay. The Koreans had already agreed to allow overflights by Soviet aircraft. Next, port visits by Soviet warships would be expanded into a basing agreement. The new aircraft he and his team would teach the North Koreans to fly were the first token of Soviet reciprocity. Others would soon follow.
His mission was to smooth the way for the diplomats and their treaties by showing these Asiatics just how valuable Soviet assistance could be.
He focused his attention back on Kim Jong-Il, the Dear Leader, still mouthing sanctimonious phrases about their “historic friendship” and the “common struggle against imperialism.” By all accounts the younger Kim should prove an ally in this quest for great Soviet influence, even if an unwitting one. His thirst for advanced military technology was well documented, and it was a thirst the Chinese could do little to satisfy.
Borodin came back to full consciousness of his surroundings as he realized that Kim’s speech was finishing, winding up with what must be a standard invocation. “And so we are confident that the colonel and his men will gain a greater understanding of the international socialist struggle and the dynamic contribution made to it by the Korean people under the guidance of our Great Leader.”
Kim stepped back from the podium to thunderous applause supplied by the phalanx of officers and enlisted men drawn up in the open area of the hangar. Borodin clapped along with them, meeting Kim’s eyes steadily and with a diplomatic smile stuck on his face. The North Korean dipped his head slightly toward the podium.
That was Borodin’s cue. As briefed, he bowed to Kim and the other dignitaries and felt carefully for the prepared speech scripted by the Foreign Ministry.
“The people of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics send their greetings …” Borodin read the hackneyed phrases aloud almost without thinking about them. He had read the same kind of stilted nonsense a dozen times before in a dozen different countries. These ceremonies were unimportant. The real work would come later, behind closed doors and in the cockpits of jet fighter aircraft. He was growing impatient to get on with it. The sooner they began, the sooner he and his men could get out of this bleak, Asiatic fortress-state.
“… The sophistication and extent of the underground installations is impressive, as is the level of training …”
Borodin laid down his pen and rubbed his eyes. The harsh, bright fluorescent lights of the GRU office were painful this late at night. He looked up from the paper, trying to get his eyes to focus on something farther than a few centimeters away. Not that there was much to see. A few old, battered wooden desks, paint scraps peeling off the walls, two clocks, one on Moscow time, the other set for Pyongyang, some filing cabinets, and the obligatory portrait of the General Secretary. Functional, but not esthetic. Borodin savored that last word. That was the kind of word only those who were really kulturny, cultured, could remember when they were on their last legs.
Little Mother, but he was tired. It was absurd to fly across eight time zones, spend a full day, and then spend the night hours trying to write a coherent arrival report. But his instructions from Moscow were clear. Complete, accurate, and timely reports were to be written, encoded, and transmitted by the mission commander, by him, each and every day. North Korea was clearly now a high priority for the staff bigwigs at Defense Ministry HQ.
He looked at what he had just written and nodded to himself. Certainly that was accurate enough. The North Korean air installations and crews were impressive. More than impressive in fact.
After the speech-making mercifully ended, the younger Kim had taken him in tow for a thorough tour of the Pyongyang-East Airbase. Borodin shook his head at the memory of it all. The vast transport plane hangar had just been the start. Behind it and above it lay a whole connected series of tunnels, barracks, offices, quarters, control centers, maintenance shops, and fuel storage tanks. The base radar installations were constructed in elevator shafts so that they could “pop up” and “pop down” for protection against enemy air attack. SA-2 Guideline surface-to-air missile batteries and radar-controlled, antiaircraft gun positions dotted the mountain slopes — ready to turn any strike aircraft attacking the few above-ground installations into piles of flaming wreckage.
Even the logistics facilities and train yards were hardened to prevent resupply trains from being caught at their most vulnerable point.
Naturally the North Koreans had saved the best for last.
A hangar even larger than the first, crammed with sleek, delta-winged interceptors, Jian-7s — Chinese-model MiG-21F derivatives. They’d allowed him to move freely throughout the hangar, inspecting everything at close range. For Borodin it had been like diving nearly thirty years back into his own past. The MiG-21 had been the first real combat aircraft he’d ever flown.
So many years ago. He and his wife, Tania, had still been a happy couple then. Borodin shook his head. Those were unprofitable memories. It was more important to concentrate on the task he faced here and now.
The colonel narrowed his eyes, trying to recall as much as possible of Kim’s last little speech, delivered near the wingtip of one of the camouflaged fighters. What had the man said? “We are confident of our ability to resist an imperialist attack and deliver a crushing blow in return. There are bases like this all over the People’s Republic, and they make the aggressor’s task impossible.”
Borodin tapped his pen thoughtfully against his chin. There had been something else. Something that had struck him as even more bombastic, more dangerous somehow. Ah, yes. “Four more bases like this one were recently completed near the present Demilitarized Zone. From them we will be able to launch our final drive for the liberation of the South. Our troops are well trained and can use our equipment at its maximum effectiveness.”
Borodin hadn’t liked the sound of that. “Final drive for the liberation of the South.” From anyone else he would have dismissed it as the standard propaganda line. But there had been a tone of inevitability or certainty in Kim’s voice that sent chills up his spine. Should he highlight that statement and his impression of it for Moscow’s attention?