“That is not the truth. Those…those things are American weapon systems. The whole world knows this.”
“The robot and the armored commando were experimental designs and they were never used directly by the U.S. government,” Gardner said, using the story he and his staff had conjured up the minute they got the call from Vice President Ken Phoenix from Nahla. “They belong to a private company that had been contracted by the U.S. Army to provide security for its forces in Iraq.”
“So they do work for the American government!”
“No, because after the incident with your reconnaissance plane, their contract with my government was immediately canceled,” Gardner said. “The company was then contracted by the Iraqi government. They were working for the Iraqis when that incident occurred. Frankly I don’t know why your troops were at that crash site to begin with. They weren’t looting the plane, were they?”
“I resent that implication, sir,” Hirsiz said. “Turkish soldiers are not criminals. The aircraft was involved in the downing of a Turkish jet and the killing of a Turkish pilot; the troops were merely guarding the plane until a formal inquiry could begin.”
“I see. You should have communicated your intentions better to the Iraqis and to us. But that would have been difficult in the middle of an invasion, wouldn’t it?”
“So is this your plan now, Mr. Gardner: let the Iraqis take the blame for American actions?”
“Mr. President, your forces are on Iraqi soil, bombing Iraqi villages and killing Iraqi civilians—”
“We target only PKK terrorists, sir, terrorists that kill innocent Turks!”
“I understand, sir, and I agree something needs to be done about the PKK, and the United States has pledged more assistance to Turkey for this. But we do not condone a full-scale ground invasion of Iraq. I warned you about unintended consequences.
“As for the contractors at Nahla: they are working for the Iraqis and not under our direct control, but we are still allies of Iraq and can intercede on your behalf. The United States would be happy to sit down with Turkey, the Kurdish Regional Government, and Iraq to facilitate an immediate cease-fire by all parties, including contractors; a withdrawal timetable; and more comprehensive security arrangements on the Iraq-Turkey border, including international monitors, to eliminate PKK terrorists from crossing the border. But nothing will happen while Turkish troops are engaged in combat operations inside Iraq, sir.”
“So, this is a conspiracy: America uses these robots against Turkish troops, pretends they are not involved, but then offers to be an intermediary in negotiations as long as there is a cease-fire,” Hirsiz said angrily. “Again, Turkey is the victim, forced to concede everything, pushed aside and ignored. Then no one notices when another Turkish plane is brought down or another police station blown apart.”
“Believe me, Mr. President, we want to help Turkey,” Gardner said. “Turkey is one of America’s most important friends and allies. I understand your anger. We can send in monitors, technology, even personnel to patrol the border. But nothing will happen while combat operations are ongoing. They must stop immediately, and Turkish troops must leave Iraq. There’s no other way.”
“There is only one way we will agree to international monitors along our border, Mr. Gardner: the Kurdistan Regional Government must disavow the PKK and all plans to form an independent state of Kurdistan,” Hirsiz said. “The KRG must remove its flag from all public places, arrest the PKK leaders and turn them over to us for trial, dismantle all PKK training bases, and shut down all companies that support the PKK.”
“Mr. President, what you’re asking for is impossible,” President Gardner said after a moment’s confusion. “The KRG administers the constitutionally authorized Kurdish region of northern Iraq. To my knowledge, they’ve never supported the PKK.”
“As long as the KRG exists and tries to separate its territory from the rest of Iraq, the PKK will use terrorism to try to force that into effect,” Hirsiz said. “You know as well as I that some members of the KRG leadership have businesses that secretly launder money and transport weapons and supplies from Iraq and overseas into Turkey. Many, not just Turkey, consider the Iraqi PKK a secret military wing of the KRG.”
“That’s nonsense, Mr. President,” Gardner insisted. “There is no relationship between the KRG and PKK.”
“They both want an independent Kurdistan carved out of provinces of Turkey, Iraq, Persia, and Syria,” Hirsiz said angrily. “The Kurdistan regional government obviously does not want to openly recognize a terrorist group like the PKK, so they support them in secret, and they oppose any efforts to shut them down. That will stop immediately! The KRG can administer the three Iraqi provinces of Dohuk, Irbil, and Sulaymaniyah, but they must do so without advocating an independent Kurdistan or trying to expand to the western provinces that have a Turkmen majority. Otherwise, our offensive continues.”
Joseph Gardner ran a hand over his face in frustration. “Then you’ll agree to negotiations, Mr. President?”
“No negotiations until the KRG agrees to stop supporting an independent Kurdistan state and agrees to denounce the PKK and bring its leaders to trial for crimes against humanity,” Hirsiz said. “If Baghdad and Irbil cannot get the PKK under control in Iraq and force them to stop killing innocent Turks, we will do the job. Good day, sir.” And he hung up.
The president slammed the phone down. “Humans shouldn’t be allowed to have this much fun,” he murmured. He turned to his advisers in the Oval Office. “Tell the KRG to stop all plans for independence?” He snapped his fingers. “Sure, we can do that. The only part of Iraq that has its shit together, and Hirsiz wants it shut down. Great.”
“But he opened the door to negotiations, sir,” chief of staff Walter Kordus said. “Always come in high and hope everyone meets somewhere in the middle.” The president gave him a sideways glance. “At least it’s a start at negotiations.”
“I guess you could call it that,” the president said. “Did you hear all that, Ken? Stacy?”
“Yes, Mr. President,” Ken Phoenix said from Allied Air Base Nahla. “The Turkish air force is pounding the Iraqi northeastern provinces, especially Irbil and Dohuk provinces. I doubt if either the KRG or Baghdad will negotiate while the Turks are attacking their towns and villages.”
“NATO is meeting later today to discuss a resolution ordering Turkey to cease fire,” Secretary of State Stacy Anne Barbeau said from Brussels, Belgium, the headquarters of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. “But the resolution has already been watered down to a request to cease fire. The Turks have a fair amount of support in the council here—they’re sympathetic about the continuous PKK attacks despite Turkey’s attempts to give the Kurds in Turkey more aid, a stronger voice in government, and fewer cultural and religious restrictions. I don’t think Turkey is going to get much pressure from NATO or the European Union.”
“They’re not getting much from Congress either,” the president said. “Most don’t understand the whole Kurdistan question, but they do understand terrorism, and right now they see the PKK as the problem. Turkey will eventually overstay in Iraq and public opinion will turn, especially if they try to widen the conflict.”
“And the last thing they need is a reason to widen the conflict…which brings me back to McLanahan,” Barbeau said acidly. “What in hell is he doing out there, Mr. Vice President?”
“He is apparently going to help the Iraqis defend themselves against the Turks,” Phoenix replied. “This mission out to his crashed plane was a test to see what the Turkish army would do. They seemed to do nothing until they went out to the crash site. The Turks were getting ready to move or dismantle the plane, and they tried to chase them away.”