“A word of caution. These indicators are not indicators of unit size, and some of our units are below full strength, as are numerous Soviet formations.”
In addition to the front line forces and reserves, there were two definite clusters of corps markers on the Allied side of the divide, neither in the front line, and the more astute politicians noted their presence with understanding.
Eisenhower then slipped into his briefing with more care, as most of the precise fact was not for the ears of all those present.
Talking in generalities, and waving his hand in indistinct movements, he talked through the intent to take the fight to the Russians as soon as the winter had receded.
Occasionally, Ike stopped to focus on one national group or another, first singling out President Camacho of Mexico for thanks at the arrival of the Mexican Battle group, presently billeted around Nice, getting itself ready for integration into the Allied forces.
Similarly, the Argentine Foreign Minister, Juan Isaac Cooke, received plaudits for the newly committed ground force his nation had supplied.
Whilst the presence of some of these national formations was a political exercise, and the difficulties of integrating them into the fighting forces would undoubtedly outweigh their usefulness, any and all commitments from the Allied nations was to be applauded and ‘talked up’.
Eisenhower fielded a few general questions from the floor, delighting Nereu de Oliveira Ramos, the Brazilian Vice-president, with assurances that his military contingent would be handed an important part in the coming offensive.
The presentation concluded on cue, and the politicians rose, the air filled with noises of self-congratulation, before they all moved off to partake of a hearty lunch.
Back in the War Drawing room once more, Eisenhower now faced a much smaller audience.
After lunch, the heads of state had been driven away to observe a parade at the local St Cyr Military Academy, where contingents of every national force would march past.
That left ten men to be fully briefed on the coming Allied operations; men who all understood the need for, and requirements of, utmost secrecy.
The table had been reduced in size, permitting the ten men to sit side by side and facing Eisenhower and his team.
Nearest the entrance sat the French.
De Gaulle had intended to place himself centrally, but had been outmanoeuvred by the early arrival of Churchill and Truman.
Sat with General de L’Armee Alphonse Juin, Chief of Staff of the French Army, he failed to hide his annoyance.
Adjacent to him was the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, Field Marshall Viscount Sir Allan Brooke, himself a fluent French speaker, positioned so as to both communicate with the French leader, as well as overhear anything of note that he and his CoS should discuss.
Churchill was next, sat alongside Truman, far enough apart to give each man personal space, but close enough to allow a modest lean to bring an ear closer to the whisperer’s lips.
General of the Army George C. Marshall sat next to Von Papen, engaging in light conversation with the assistance of the interpreter, Major Golding.
Speer was poring over a folder, checking and double-checking figures on production.
The final pair were speaking softly in Spanish, as General Muñoz Grandes answered a few direct questions from Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo Franco y Bahamonde, the caudillo of Spain, more commonly known as Generalissimo Franco.
On signal, Hood and Foster removed the largest cover, to sounds of surprise and loud intakes of breath.
The arrows were numerous and bit deep into Soviet-held territory.
Ike revelled in the audacious plan that was set before his political masters.
“Sirs, what you see before you is the general concept for the last phases of Spectrum.”
He turned to the map and finally found use for his pointer.
“Violet,” he tapped a few of the numerous markers across the length and breadth of enemy territory, “The dismantling of Soviet support infrastructure across Europe, interdiction, and expanded heavy bomber missions to reduce Soviet production and resupply capability.”
The pointer flicked to Holland.
“White. The establishment of a FUSAG style decoy, known as SAAG for Second Allied Army group, intended to pin the enemy 1st Baltic Front in place here,” he indicated the Northern German Plain.”
“Indigo. The invasion of Northern Poland by sea, in order to support the planned revolt by the armed forces of Poland.”
He paused, taken in by the grandeur of the next phase.
“Orange. The general rolling back of the Red Army to the positions occupied in August 1945, and beyond.”
The very scale of Orange was breathtaking.
Eisenhower was presenting the plan for ratification by those present, as their national forces would be playing the biggest parts in the months to come, and the five national leaders present represented the five largest contingents of land troops in the Allied Armies, with the exception of the Poles, who had been excluded from the presentation solely because no-one from the 1st Polish Army had been available to attend.
De Gaulle, always pressing for a bigger French role, was well satisfied with the assignments for his formations, although noted the relocation that would need to be undertaken to bring his forces in between the German Army and that of the United States.
Neither Churchill nor Alanbrooke bothered to feign surprise, both already knowing most of what the basic presentation held.
Truman and Marshall similarly held their peace.
Franco stared in wonderment at the scale of Allied expectation, his own forces being handed some clearly crucial missions in the plan.
Von Papen and Speer had known the bare bones of it all, but to see the centre ground dedicated to the new German Republican Army, was something else entirely, and both men were moved by the onerous tasks allotted to their troops.
Not the least of which was illustrated by a single black arrow, a symbol of the potential third stage of the advance, which took the German Army to Berlin.
Eisenhower’s reasoning had been quite simple, but he kept it to himself in the present company.
Firstly, the Germans would most likely fight harder for their own capital. Secondly, it would be a bloodbath of biblical proportions, one to be avoided by the British, French, and American Armies.
Colonel Hood distributed ten numbered copies of a document to the assembled listeners, and then Eisenhower swung into his presentation proper.
Norway was first, where the forces in country were British, German, and Norwegian.
There had been much deliberation over the possibilities of opening another area of operations by attacking the USSR through Norway, one Churchill was particularly supportive of, the idea of which had received a cool welcome in both Oslo and Stockholm.
Using the additional strain on logistics as an excuse, further development of the concept was put on hold, if only to assuage the fears of their Scandanavian friends
Eisenhower’s pointer found ‘White’.
“SAAG. This formation comprises no forces of note at this time, although we intend to fill it out when reinforcements become available. Running it as a FUSAG operation, we intend to use it to pin the Soviet 1st Baltic Front in place. From our intelligence sources, it seems that the Soviets have taken the bait.”
He took a deep breath.
“Orange and Indigo are mutually supporting sections of the plan.”
Using the pointer, he swept the length of the front line from north to south.
“British, Commonwealth, and Free forces will assault on a relatively narrow front, in order to focus power and drive deep into Soviet-held Germany, specifically targeting the 1st Baltic, which will receive a considerable amount of attention from our strike and bomber forces and, for that matter, naval forces, who will support from close inshore where possible. We intend to push this large Soviet grouping into tight pockets where our aircraft can maximise the effect of their strikes, but also remembering that the intent is to breakthrough to the Indigo perimeter.”