There was a knock on the door before the DCI could respond. Without waiting for an invitation to enter, an Army colonel opened the door. He seemed surprised to see the president sitting at the head of the conference table. “Sorry, Mr. President,” he muttered, and then nearly ran to where General Eaglefield sat. He bent to whisper in the ear of the CJCS.
“Wait a minute, Colonel,” the president said, waving his hand. “If it’s important enough to interrupt my meeting, then it’s important enough to let me hear what you have to say.”
The colonel looked at General Eaglefield, who nodded for him to go ahead.
He stood at attention and looked at the president. “Mr. President, thirty minutes ago forces of North Korea began shelling across the DMZ; followed by large-scale air attacks of the immediate area. Intelligence shows North Korean armored forces moving toward the border. When I left the situation room two minutes ago to come up, North Korea had commenced a call-up of its reserves.”
The president peered over his glasses at the secretary of state.
“What’s going on, Bob? I thought we had North Korea in its box.”
“I don’t know, Mr. President. They’re not suffering the famine of several years ago. We’ve been shipping them food. Of course, they’ve been protesting for two days about a perceived South Korean violation of their territorial waters, but that’s normal. I’m sure it’s just posturing.”
“Sorry, sir,” the colonel said. “But they’ve already attacked across the DMZ.” The colonel stopped and started to lean down to talk with General Eaglefield, but saw President Crawford looking at him. “That’s not normal. Mr. President, two formations of North Korean jets bombed Seoul about thirty minutes ago. No major damage and no additional raids since. They flew low-level, dropped approximately eight iron bombs, and then scurried back across the border. Air defense did pick them up, but thought they were South Korean Air Force jets completing routine flight operations.”
“Bob, the colonel’s right,” Roger said, a touch of sarcasm in his voice. “Doesn’t sound as if the North Koreans are posturing.”
General Eaglefield pushed his chair back and rose. “Mr. President, with your permission, I would like to return to the Pentagon. These new developments influence our plans for the Mediterranean.” “What do you mean. General?” the president asked, concern in his voice.
“Mr. President, we have about twenty thousand troops on the ground in South Korea. Most of them are light infantry supported with a couple of Air Force fighter squadrons. The United States purposely left those forces behind, during the drawdown, to support the South Korean government and act as a trip wire for American intervention. They can fight, but only for a limited time.” He took a deep breath. “Our forces lack the firepower, numbers, or logistics to stop a determined North Korean push into South Korea. Plus, they are on the front lines at the DMZ intermingled with the South Koreans.
We would sustain significant casualties during the early hours of a major assault.”
“General, we have forces in Japan. We can move them into South Korea.
If we build up South Korea, then the North Koreans will see the resolve, settle down, and return to their normal seething turmoil within their own borders,” President Crawford said hopefully. “Where’s the nearest carrier?”
“The nearest carrier is stationed in Yokoto, Japan. Depending on where she is, we can move her off the coast of the Korean Peninsula. As for the option of moving forces from Japan, like the Mediterranean, over the years, we have recalled our overseas forces from the Pacific. We have no ground troops in Japan or Okinawa. The nearest ones are in California.”
“Of course, with the North Koreans, you never know what they’ll do,” Roger Maddock added. “Sensible nations do rational things. With the North Koreans, they tend to act irrational and never worry about why the world reacts as it does. It’s like dealing with an obstinate, surly teenager.”
“Unfortunately, in this case, the obstinate, surly teenager is psychotic and has long-range missiles,” General Eaglefield added.
“Let’s hope that a show of force will temper any ill conceived plans they may have,” the president replied. “Roger, we should be able to continue with our response in the Mediterranean. Right?”
The secretary of defense looked to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to reply.
“Yes, sir, but the 82nd Airborne, 101st Airborne, and mechanized infantry at Fort Stewart are also the contingency forces for a Korean conflict. We lack the active-duty forces to meet both. Our Major Regional Conflict — MRC — plans place a Korean crisis above events in the Mediterranean.”
“Why?”
“Sir?” General Eaglefield asked, unsure as to what the president meant.
“Mr. President,” Bob Gilfort interjected. “In the Korean Peninsula, we are talking about direct conflict on territory occupied by an ally and, by treaty, under the defensive umbrella of America.”
“The Med can be held with forces already in theater until the Stennis arrives,” General Eaglefield added.
“Let me make sure I understand,” the president said. He pointed his pen at the secretary of state. “Bob, you’re telling me regardless of the fact that U.S. forces have been attacked, an American warship has been sunk, and there are American dead in Europe, that the saber-rattling by North Korea takes precedence?” He then looked at the general. “And General Eaglefield, you’re telling me that the forces we intended to send to Europe in response to Libya’s attack are the forces that we must send to Korea if we have a war there?”
Both the secretary of state and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff nodded, as did the secretary of defense, who was drumming his pencil on the table.
“Okay. This has the potential of a quagmire where we find ourselves doing nothing. I don’t want to do nothing. I want to do something that sends the right message to both Libya and North Korea. So, tell me what that something is going to be.” The president looked at Bob Gilfort. “Bob, what can we do politically to resolve both these crises?”
“Mr. President, I would like to consult with my staff before offering advice. I want to ensure that every option is considered and fully vetted.”
President Crawford looked over his bifocals at General Eaglefield.
“Sir, I, too, need to sit down with the other chiefs and determine how we can best employ our forces. We need to send the right message to both sides of the world and at the same time make sure that those forces are capable of exercising whatever option they are called upon to do.”
“Okay, I need results.” The president stood. This was definitely going to be a legacy-making event. Everyone rose. “I think we’ll adjourn to give everyone an opportunity to weigh the situations and come back with some ideas. I expect everyone back here by six p. m.” He looked down at the DCI. “You hear the time, Farbros?”
“Yes, sir. I’ll be on time. Mr. President, I do have something. We believe that the North Koreans are being manipulated by the Chinese.”
The president sat back down. “How and why?” His voice betrayed disbelief. “The Chinese enjoy favored-nation trade status with us. We are their largest market for the cheap goods they make.
They wouldn’t dare jeopardize that.” Crawford shook his head. “No, I don’t think they’d jeopardize that.”
“We don’t know the why, but several events have occurred to indicate the actions by North Korea are in response to a guarantee of increased food aid and unknown economic and military considerations by China.”
“Why would China stir up a crisis near her own borders? It doesn’t make sense, Farbros. China is having near-record economic growth, and for the past few years has begun to exert some positive world influence.”