“It’s our only major base remaining in the Mediterranean, Mr. President. It’s a logistics base, not a fighter base. It’s not as big as Rota, Spain, so the aircraft have to be parked closer together.”
“And I guess we think Libya didn’t know this? Didn’t the Navy do any thinking before they crowded this base?” President Crawford asked sarcastically.
“No one expected the Libyans to do something like this,” Roger replied meekly. “Besides, the Italians are responsible for the air defense of Sigonella. It is a NATO base.”
General Eaglefield, sitting beside the secretary of defense, wiggled uncomfortably in his seat and bit his lower lip in an attempt to keep his comments to himself. Rebutting the president of the United States — his commander in chief — was not a good career move. What he wanted to say was that the crowded situation in Sigonella was caused by the administration, not the military. Crawford and his two predecessors had closed most overseas bases, but had never reduced operational commitments, and had never ever closed a base state side even when the military had no use of it. The American military was a political pull-toy for the president and Congress. Policing the world was good politically, and when the political heat got hot, then a little military action overseas took the American public’s mind off it.
Look at that aspirin factory in Sudan.
To meet the never-changing operational tempo, the military overloaded the remaining, overseas bases. Sigonella and Souda Bay were two of them. If Rota had remained open, the scale of the catastrophe in Sigonella would never have occurred. But he didn’t say it. He probably should have, but what would it have accomplished? If he ever wrote his memoirs he’d say it then. General Eaglefield looked around the room. With the exception of him and General Stanhope, not a soul around the table had one day of genuine military experience.
“Yeah, and no one expected the Japanese to sail halfway across the Pacific Ocean and sink the United States Pacific Fleet in 1942 either.
You’d think our Navy would remember Pearl Harbor.” President Crawford rubbed his temples, and then in a softer voice continued. “Roger, update me when this has been worked out. I want to read the reports on the Gaeta attacks and on the USS Gearing.”
“Sir, it was 1941.”
“1941?”
“Yes, sir, the attack on Pearl Harbor was in 1941 and the Navy does remember.”
“Okay, Roger. Point taken. What is the status on rescuing the survivors of the USS Gearing!”
“USS Miami is headed into the Gulf of Sidra to rescue the survivors. We have no helicopters in the Med with the legs to reach that far, and the Italians and Greeks refuse to commit their own that close to the Libyan mainland. The Nassau battle group is moving into position off the coast of Algiers to conduct what is beginning to look like an opposed evacuation.”
“Roger, Algeria is very important, but I want those sailors rescued. I want them out of the water, and if I have to, I’ll send the entire damn Army into Libya. I swear I will. But I want those Americans out of the water first! Have you been reading the papers? They’re coming home!” He slammed his fist down on the table.
“The American public is firmly behind you, sir, on the decision to retaliate against Libya,” Franco Donelli offered. “The polls show—”
“According to the battle-damage assessment provided by that Defense Intelligence Agency, those Tomahawks wiped out most of the Libyan senior military leadership,” Bob Gil fort said, interrupting. “The question this will pose is: Who now is in charge of the Libyan military? The junta has only retained its power through the support of the Libyan military.”
The president nodded his head. “Bob, Roger; it is a disgrace to America for our young men and women to still be out there, floating in the middle of the Mediterranean. How long has it been?”
“About thirty hours, Mr. President. As I said, sir, Sixth Fleet has detached the USS Miami from the Nassau battle group. It’ll take her twenty-four hours to get there.”
“Miami?”
“Yes, sir. She’s the fast-attack submarine that launched the Tomahawk retaliatory strike.”
The secretary of state, Robert Gilfort, raised his hand and interjected, “Mr. President, if I may, those sailors are important, but so is our situation in Algiers.” He unfolded a sheet of paper in front of him. “I have an update from our ambassador to Algeria, Mrs. Becroft. She says refugees are continuing to be trucked into the compound. Three hours ago over five hundred refugees were crammed into it. The portable toilets are kaput and unless we do something soon — she estimates within the next forty-eight hours — the embassy will have a major health crisis on their hands. She wants to know how much longer before the Marines show up. And she wants more Marines on the ground at the embassy.
“Options? Do we have any, or are we being backed into a corner where we don’t?” President Crawford asked, his chin cradled in his hands.
“What is going on in North Africa?” he asked quietly.
“No, sir, I don’t think we’re in the proverbial corner yet,” replied Gilfort. “The British have asked to coordinate the evacuation of their citizens in the event they are unable to dispatch their rescue force down there in time. His Majesty’s Government says that it will take seven days for their forces to arrive.”
“Seven for them, twelve for us, and they’re asking us for help? We should have had a stronger presence in the Med than what we have.”
“Yes, sir,” Roger Maddock added. “I believe the British think we already have sufficient forces in the Med and they don’t. The British are outfitting a carrier task force around the HMS Invincible — their remaining Harrier aircraft carrier. We are discussing combined operations with their forces and ours once they arrive in the area. We should have an answer shortly.” “Good,” the president said, nodding his head. “About time some of our allies showed up.” He paused a moment. “Sorry about that. If I depend on anyone in Europe, it’s the British. It’s unfortunate that our relationship is so low-key nowadays. We should have been more attuned on how a common European currency and the growing European Community was going to affect American influence. I sometimes wonder how the common British citizen feels about being ruled from the Continent.”
“Sir?”
“Nothing, Bob. Just thinking out loud. Back to the subject at hand.
CNN had a news bulletin just before this morning’s earlier, disastrous press conference; a bulletin that a reporter from the Washington Times — Franco, I want him out of the White House Press Corps; I told you once and I mean it. He never sticks to the script. According to CNN, the Libyans say they acted in self-defense after the USS Gearing fired on their aircraft and ships while violating Libyan territorial waters.”
“Yes, sir. I received a short communique from Ambassador Cannets about that. Alex says the Libyans are displaying radar images and photographs to anyone who will listen at the United Nations, hoping to prove that the Gearing was less than nine nautical miles off their coast.”
“What does that tell me, Bob?”
“Sir, international convention recognizes twelve nautical miles as the legal limit of territorial waters.”
“And, Mr. President, if I may add,” Roger Maddock said, drawing the president’s attention. “The Gearing was directed to remain outside fifteen nautical miles for the Freedom of Navigation operation. She had GPS and her normal complement of navigational equipment and personnel. There is nothing to suggest she was closer.”
“Mr. President,” General Stanhope said. “My apologies to the secretary of defense, whom I have not had an opportunity to brief on this bit of information, but we may have a problem concerning that.”