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After Lenin’s death in 1924, much of Stalin’s reading concentrated on the writings of his rivals in the struggle to succeed the founder of the Soviet state, people like Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev and Nikolai Bukharin. In the 1930s Stalin’s attention switched to Soviet literature – to the post-revolutionary writings of Maxim Gorky, Alexander Fadeev, Alexei Tolstoy, Ilya Ehrenburg, Isaac Babel and Mikhail Sholokhov.

Another preoccupation of Stalin’s was the history of revolutionary movements internationally. In 1919 the Bolsheviks established the Communist International to foment global revolution. Stalin was fond of giving strategic and tactical advice to visiting foreign communists and took pride in his knowledge of other countries, much of it gleaned from books.

Military strategy was an enduring interest. During the Russian Civil War he served at the front as a Bolshevik commissar, which meant that he controlled military as well as political decision-making in his spheres of operation. Later he collected and read the works of the foremost German, French, Russian and Soviet strategic theorists. Not surprisingly, this interest became paramount during the Second World War when he became the Soviet Union’s supreme commander. He was particularly attentive to the experiences of his Tsarist pre—decessors as generalissimo, Alexander Suvorov and Mikhail Kutuzov, both of whose portraits hung in his office during the war. Other aspects of Russian history continued to fascinate Stalin, too, not least the comparisons between his rule and those of Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great. Stalin was also attracted to the history of the ancient world, especially the rise and fall of the Roman Empire.

He devoted considerable time to reading about science, linguistics, philosophy and political economy. After the Second World War he made a number of notable interventions in debates about genetics, socialist economics and linguistic theory. The most notorious of these interventions was his support for Trofim Lysenko, a Soviet botanist who argued that genetic inheritance could be influenced by environmental controls. In private, however, Stalin ridiculed Lysenko’s view that every science had a ‘class character’, writing on a report by Lysenko: ‘Ha-ha-ha . . . And Mathematics? And Darwinism?’9

THE GIFT OF BOOKS

When Stalin’s two younger sons, Vasily and an adopted son, Artem Sergeev, allowed the pages of an old and badly bound history textbook they were study—ing outdoors to blow apart in the wind, he collared the boys, telling them that it contained thousands of years of history – knowledge that people had shed blood to collect and store, material that scientists and historians then spent decades working on. Having insisted that Vasily and Artem glue the book back together, Stalin told them: ‘You did good. Now you know how to treat books.’10

When Artem was seven, Stalin gave him a copy of Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe and, when he was eight, Rudyard Kipling’s The Jungle Book.11 In the Defoe book, Stalin wrote: ‘To my little friend, Tomik, with the wish that he grows up to be a conscious, steadfast and fearless Bolshevik.’12

Vasily was destined to serve in the air force and on his thirteenth birthday, in March 1934, Stalin presented him with a Russian translation of Air War 1936 – a fantasy about a future conflict between Britain and France by ‘Major Helders’, which was the pseudonym of the German aviator Robert Knauss.13

The young Vasily was not the most diligent of pupils, preferring sports to study. In June 1938 Stalin wrote a stinging letter to one of his teachers. Vasily was a ‘spoilt youth of average abilities’, wrote Stalin, who was ‘not always truthful’ and loved to ‘blackmail’ weak ‘leaders’, even though he was weak-willed himself. He also liked to remind people whose son he was. Stalin advised the teacher to take Vasily by the scruff of his neck and not to put up with any more nonsense from him.14

Stalin also gave Vasily a book whose composition he himself supervised, crafted and edited, the canonical Short Course History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1938) – a book that was read and studied by tens of millions of Soviet citizens.15 Vasily read this book quite thoroughly, underlining paragraphs on virtually every page with different coloured pencils.16 His efforts paid off when he passed a state exam on the book with flying colours in 1939.17

Stalin’s daughter, Svetlana, was more studious. In 1937 he gave the eleven-year-old a textbook history of the USSR and in 1938 her own a copy of the Short Course. Father ‘commanded’ me to read it, recalled Svetlana, because ‘he wanted me to make a study of the party’s history – his version of it’. Unlike her brother, she never did get around to reading it – ‘it bored me so’ – and when Stalin found out ‘he grew very angry’.18 But other books in her own personal collection that she did read included Lenin’s Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, and Stalin’s Problems of Leninism.19

BOLSHEVIK BOOK CULTURE

Stalin’s presents to his children and his stricture to Vasily and Artem about taking care of their books were expressive of the Bolsheviks’ print-based political culture and their valorisation of written texts. No book-burning dictator, Stalin would have sympathised with Victor Hugo’s response to the Communards, who set fire to the Louvre library in 1871:

Have you forgotten that your liberator

Is the book? The book is there on the heights;

It gleams; because it shines and illuminates,

It destroys the scaffold, war and famine;

It speaks: No more slaves and no more pariahs.20

Stalin and the Soviets, to use Katerina Clark’s words, had an ‘extraordinary reverence for the book, which functioned as a cult object in a secular faith’.21 Under Stalin’s tutelage, Moscow aspired to become a socialist ‘Rome’, a radical centre of world culture based primarily, though by no means exclusively, on the printed word.

After the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia in 1917, one of their first acts was to nationalise the publishing industry. For the Bolsheviks, words were the expressions of ideas that, allied to radical action, could become a material force capable of transforming not only societies but human nature itself. Under Stalin, Soviet writers were charged with helping to fashion the thoughts and feelings of the new Soviet men and women constructing socialism and communism. ‘To build socialism we need civil, electrical and mechanical engineers,’ Stalin was reported as saying in August 1934, as Soviet writers gathered for a national congress. ‘We need them to build houses, automobiles and tractors. But no less important, we need engineers of the human soul, writer-engineers building the human spirit.’22

According to Lenin, communism was ‘Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country’, i.e. people’s democracy and advanced industrialisation. But there was also a third, critical element – mass literacy and cultural enlightenment. As Lenin said, ‘an illiterate person stands outside of politics, and must first learn the alphabet. Without this there can be no politics.’23

Reading and writing were seen by the Soviet regime as a means of collective and individual self-emancipation from both bourgeois ideology and cultural backwardness and then the achievement of a higher, communist consciousness. Bolshevik leaders and activists were not exempted from this revolution of the mind. The creation of a new consciousness attuned to the collectivist culture of the Soviet socialist system was their personal mission, too. In power, the Bolsheviks remained committed to a permanent revolution of reading, learning and self-improvement. They believed that under socialism people should read a lot, and would read even more as society progressed to communism.24