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But that was tomorrow. Today, the first step needed to be taken. Franklin turned back toward Wolff. “Are we ready?”

“We’ll do what needs to be done. The computer tech teams have already been assembled, and I’ve obtained access to the California Elections Office through the director, Kevin Phelps, who was every bit as helpful as you said he’d be.”

“Well, then, it seems we’re ready,” Franklin said.

“The elections office is under control, but are the politicians ready?” Wolff asked.

“Ah, well,” Franklin mused, “that’s another kettle of fish. The Mexicans are certainly on board and pleased with their ‘return-on-investment’ from immigration so far. As to the Malaysians and Koreans,” he paused, “only time will tell. I’ve been putting this together for a long time now, and there’s a lot riding on the outcome. If we’re to realize our dream of bringing all this together in an independent California, each of these groups has to see what’s in it for them.”

“That’s not the hard part,” Wolff said, rising to fill his glass. “The key challenge is getting the spineless politicians to stand by their word when the going gets tough. Will they have what it takes to go the distance?”

“Money, Jean,” Franklin laughed. “Money gives men a steel spine, or at least makes them think they are courageous. We’ve sweetened the pot sufficiently, and they’ve seen the potential.”

“And after you pull it off?” Wolff asked.

Franklin grasped the opportunity to preach his gospel. “Can you fathom it, Jean? The resources here, the transportation and manufacturing capabilities are unlimited. Combined with cheap labor from underdeveloped areas of the world? The potential is limitless, and we won’t have to worry about some tinhorn dictator in Camel-hump, Egypt, coming along and demanding half the profit to allow it to continue.”

“Sort of a restructuring of the Old South?”

Franklin threw a quick glare at Wolff. “That’s a poor analogy. We’re not after slavery. These imported workers will be paid a fair wage, far in excess of what they could make at home. What I am proposing is common practice in the Middle East. They import workers from Pakistan and the subcontinent to perform menial work at cheap labor costs. We can do the same thing, and everyone profits.”

Wolff changed the subject. “Well, we’re ready. What are your orders, mon capitaine?

“It’s time to get our operation in gear,” Franklin stated, putting aside his brief anger at Wolff’s “restructuring of the south” comment and regaining his enthusiasm. “Alert our erstwhile CIA friend, Grant Sully. Tell him you’ll be activating the ‘tech teams’ again and returning to the Sacramento elections office. I’ll transfer another twenty-five million into your Cayman account. And I want the Shasta Brigade put on alert. Then develop a plan to put the other militia units under a single command, as we discussed. Do you still think this Shaw fellow can handle it?”

“As you instructed, I’ve not met with him in person, but I’ve communicated instructions with each donation. I believe he can handle command of combined movement, but the other units won’t like it,” Wolff said, shaking his head. “They each have their own agenda and think they’re autonomous. Besides, Sully likes to keep them at odds so he can play them against each other.”

“I don’t care a whit what Sully likes,” Franklin said, warming to his directive role. “I’ve used these wannabe militia groups many times over the past few years and spent a lot of money on their training and equipment in the process. This is too important. I want to personally know what’s happening. Tell Shaw we’ll be very selective in our targets, both political and ‘action.’ I want them alerted, training increased, and recruitment up, especially among, shall we say, ‘expendable assets.’ Let them continue to rob a few banks to cover the real source of their financing. Be sure to maintain the individual cell organization structure for security.” Franklin smiled at Wolff. “And Sully, bless his heart, needs to see that his ability to ride two horses has come to an end. He knows he’ll never become director of the CIA. Perhaps we can entice him with the role he could play in a new California.”

Wolff raised his glass, rattling the ice cubes. “To Grant Sully-the new director of the new CIA-the California Intelligence Agency.”

“We’ll see about that. Assuming we can pull off the election coup, the key to this thing will be the U.S. military. How they respond will be critical. You can bet the farm Washington won’t take it lying down. The Army Reserve, National Guard, and even the California State Reserve units-those are the concerns we have. The militia. . well,” he paused, “we know where they stand, and this operation will suit them just fine. But we’ve got to force the federal military’s hand and make the retention of California a patriotic issue.”

“A little internal insurrection should help,” Wolff said.

“Exactly-and public reaction. That’s your baby. You handle it, but move slowly at first. I want the election results to convince the public that support is widespread. Then, when we unleash the militia to do their thing, Californians will see them as the New Englanders saw the militia-as Minutemen-patriots in the flesh. Then they’ll receive public support, at least verbally, in their fight against the Feds. And one other thing-concerning your ‘tech team’ and the elections issue, I want it done right this time. Be sure your team knows-no more foul-ups like we had in the Missouri elections.”

“Missouri was a fluke. A real computer glitch occurred, and by the time we found out, it was too late. Election results had already been announced.”

“Jean,” Franklin said, staring hard at the younger man, “I don’t care why! I’ve spent hundreds of millions establishing the credibility of the home telephone voting system, and four states have now adopted it. But California is still running parallel with the old system, and California’s the key to national acceptance. I just want to be sure this one is under control. We’ve got a lot at stake. You’ve got a lot at stake.”

“I’ll see to it, John Henry,” Wolff responded.

Franklin started to leave, but stopped, turning in the doorway.

“Did you catch Rigo’s comment about the Mexican borders earlier?”

“Nothing of concern. The general knows nothing about our border crossing operation, I can assure you.”

“See you keep it that way. He strikes me as one of those truly dangerous men, especially in Mexico-an honest politician.”

“He’s watched day and night. Nothing to worry about. Besides,” Wolff said calmly, “honest politicians in Mexico have a way of ending up dead.”

“He’s still quite useful to us. Without his relationship to General Valdez, we’d have no knowledge of the Federales’ intentions. Proceed cautiously.”

“Understood. I’ll take care of it.”

Chapter 7

Woodland Rotary Luncheon

Woodland, California

June, 2011

. . Of course, it wasn’t yesterday, was it?” Senator Turner continued. “In fact, we’ve accomplished quite a bit in the past eighteen months, working together for the benefit of Californians. And I intend to continue doing just that.”

During the nine months immediately following the private Sea Ranch meeting, Turner had followed John Henry Franklin’s directions, stumping throughout California, presenting the message of secession. At times eloquent in his denunciation of federal intervention, Turner had initially met with staunch opposition. But surprisingly, as Franklin had predicted, support for the notion had steadily grown, and pollsters had begun to document the changing mood of the people. And then, suddenly, it was over, and Turner was a fourth-term U.S. senator. And California was on her way toward sovereignty.