“I may, indeed, believe that to be suitable. But I am not Adolf Hitler. I must tell you, with equal clarity, that the Führer is in the habit of seeing his directives carried out to the letter, and his decisions are the final word on such matters, and not subject to negotiation.”
“I see… Well, you may tell the Führer that the General Secretary of the Orenburg Federation also makes decisions and issues directives and orders, and he has just done so concerning the disposition of the Kuban District, which will be returned to the control of Orenburg immediately following the conclusion of hostilities with the Soviet forces currently operating there illegally. Allies should not be outlaws—if they wish to remain Allies.”
Volkov smiled, upping the ante considerably by taking this hard line with Ribbentrop. He waited now to see what the Foreign Minister would say next.
“Mister General Secretary. Would it please you to see all German forces withdraw immediately? In that instance, your own armies would be free to continue prosecuting their unsuccessful campaign against the Soviets in the Kuban. Considering it has been three years since the Soviet incursion, during which time not one drop of oil has arrived from Orenburg, Germany thought to settle the matter. If we are prevented from doing so effectively, it would mean even further delays in your promised oil shipments, which would, I may point out, mean that Orenburg is in default concerning the agreement to supply the Reich. If Allies wish to remain Allies, they might also look to fulfilling their promises and agreements.”
Volkov continued to smile. “I will look forward to discussing this further after you have consulted with Berlin. Thank you for coming all this way. I know you are a very busy man, and the plane to Rostov will be leaving shortly. Good day, Mister Foreign Minister.”
Ribbentrop stood, quietly collecting his briefcase and was soon politely escorted out. He was on that plane an hour later, a 750 mile flight to Rostov, where he would meet directly with Eric Manstein and inform him of what had been discussed before returning to Berlin.
“Under the circumstances,” he would tell Manstein a day later, “it would be wise to set aside additional strong reserves for commitment to the Kuban region if needed there. I do not have to tell you what Berlin’s answer will be. The Führer’s directive already decided the matter when it was first issued. In fact, it was this very question that Hitler was addressing with that directive.”
“I hope you did not tell that to Volkov,” said Manstein.
“Of course not, but that man is not stupid. He raised the stakes with me, implying that the continuance of the alliance itself was on the table if he was not ceded control of the Kuban.”
“That may not be too much of a price to pay for Orenburg’s continued cooperation,” said Manstein. “After all, they are tying down six to eight Soviet Armies, above and beyond those in the Kuban.”
“Volkov may have only wished to see what my reaction would be,” said Ribbentrop, “and I was firm.”
Manstein nodded, his mind already thinking about what more he could sent to the Kuban. Diplomats, he thought. They are always a complication where military matters are concerned. Just when I get a few Panzer divisions set aside as a reserve, they will now all be shunted off to the Caucasus. And I have little doubt that Ivan Volkov is already looking over his troop rosters as well. Once I commit my reserves there, who knows if I will ever get them back?
Manstein was not wrong in that, for that very same day Volkov sent a message to the Commander of his 2nd and 7th Armies, telling him that he was to make reserve formations—particularly mechanized and armored units, available for transfer to the Kuban at a moment’s notice. His last question to Ribbentrop had been a deliberate test, and when he got back tit for tat instead of a polite deferral of the matter to Berlin, he realized that Ribbentrop already knew what Hitler’s response was going to be concerning the Kuban. The Germans had no plans to withdraw, and now the deployment of those paratroop units to Baba Gurgur was seen in an all new light.
The Führer is getting thirsty for oil, he thought, and here I am facing a war with three enemies! Thus far I’ve managed to delay shipments as a lure to get the Germans to clear away the Soviet armies opposing me on the south front. Yet it seems I will just be replacing one uninvited guest with another after the Kuban campaign. That same day he summoned his Ambassador to Siberia. The man did not have to travel far, for he had already been expelled by the Siberians and he was right there in Orenburg.
“Make a request for a formal meeting with the Siberians,” he said. “A secret request—be very discreet. I will have a draft proposal in your hands by tomorrow.”
So the Germans want Baba Gurgur, he thought. And now I think they want Maykop as well. If I let them into the Kuban, who knows how far they will go? If push comes to shove there, they could go all the way to Baku. My forces would be no match for them. We could hold for six months, but if they have the means to reinforce this Operation Edelweiss, we would certainly lose Baku. That was where the historical Operation Edelweiss wanted to go, and for me, that foresight is most informative. Forewarned is forearmed. I must find the troops to muster a new army for the Caucasus, but at the moment, all my regular forces are tied down along the Volga—and so are many armies deployed there by Sergei Kirov.
My, what a change would be worked if he had all those armies free to deploy elsewhere—if I had all those armies free myself. Then I think I could wipe that quiet grin off Ribbentrop’s face, for I would have the means to concentrate my forces on any one point and prevail. Then it would be the Germans who go scraping for troops to try and hold the line. Could I really mend fences with Sergei Kirov—after all these decades of opposition, and all the bitterness and blood spilled in this long civil war? And what about Vladimir Karpov and his damn Free Siberian State? Trying to approach the Soviets now might not yield results. They would demand that I immediately rescind my pact with Hitler and commit all my forces against the Germans. The situation has clearly not come to that yet.
But the Siberians…. I need tanks, artillery, planes, and there is only so much I can do with the factories of Orenburg. Even with my generous assistance, our armor development program has a long way to go. I just don’t have the industrial capacity of the Soviets. But Sergei Kirov moved all his factories to Siberia. He’s all nice and cozy with Karpov—troops for tanks and artillery. That’s been their bread and butter together. Sergei Kirov and I may not be able to bury the hatchet, but I might still reach an accord with the Siberians, and they could give me the weapons I need in exchange for peace with me, and my pledge of support once my armies refit with new equipment. Those negotiations would not be easy, but it is worth exploring them.
One should not ever wish to fight a two front war, he thought. While he saw his current position as a member of the Axis as very advantageous, he also knew the long term history of this war. He had done everything possible to further Germany’s war effort, but he knew that if they prevailed he would have a most dangerous neighbor on his doorstep, and one he could never hope to defeat alone. One day he would need Siberia as a friend, and it would be better if that happened before Soviet Russia was destroyed—better sooner than later.
Enemies become friends when it suits them, and friends can become enemies at the drop of a hat….
Chapter 32
Operation Edelweiss would be swift and violent, not the grinding fight that many on Manstein’s staff had predicted. The Soviet formations had been on their own for many long months, receiving no new munitions or equipment from the motherland. This would make the divisions somewhat brittle, as they would be receiving few manpower replacements, and ammunition was rationed.