“We also know that you have sent several micro-satellites into orbits to cover Iran and have even moved your Armstrong Space Station into a sun-synchronous orbit in order to carefully surveille Iran at specific times of day,” Zevitin went on. “And we have recently received reports that several of your stealth warplanes have been moved to Diego Garcia, just a few hours’ flying time from Iran. It looks like preparation for an invasion to me, Mr. President.”
“We have to forward-deploy many of our strategic air assets because our numbers have been almost eliminated,” Martindale pointed out.
“It pains me that you bring that up, Kevin,” Zevitin said, and he really sounded as if he meant it too. Five years earlier, General Anatoliy Gryzlov, the former chief of staff of the Russian military, successfully overthrew the elected Russian government and began a large-scale buildup of the Russian military. When Patrick McLanahan and the Air Battle Force preempted a Russian invasion of Turkmenistan’s vast oil and natural gas fields, Gryzlov responded by attacking American air and ground-launched intercontinental ballistic missile sites and bomber bases with nuclear cruise missiles. Over thirty thousand Americans died and another seventy thousand injured in what became known as the “American Holocaust.”
“President Gryzlov acted irresponsibly and foolishly, and I have denounced and condemned his actions in each and every venue that opportunity affords,” Zevitin went on. “But you can well understand our concern as we watch these moves, sir: they appear to be directed toward an invasion of Iran to support a takeover of the legitimately elected government by force of arms.
“And we also know that most of your remaining stealth warplanes are commanded by General McLanahan,” Zevitin continued. “Frankly, Mr. President, Russia considers McLanahan to be quite dangerous, and any time we think he may be involved in some conflict or action, we expect and must prepare for the worst. We’re surprised he is still an integral part of your pool of military advisers, and he is considered a highly destabilizing element — on a par with Gryzlov himself.”
“Let’s get back to the issue of Iran, Leonid,” Martindale said. “I’ll acknowledge to you that the United States is keeping a careful watch over events in Iran, not because we want or support a violent overthrow of the government, but because Buzhazi’s actions or the reactions of the Revolutionary Guards could cause a ripple effect of violence throughout the entire region. We certainly retain the right to set up surveillance of any nation we fear could harm America’s interests and to forward-deploy all necessary assets to try to halt any spread of violence.”
“That’s fair, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. “But I know you understand that Russia has interests in the region as well, and American military actions directed against Iran may interfere with Russia’s interests. That’s why I urge restraint and caution, Mr. President: your forces may harm Russia just as easily as McLanahan’s spaceplanes violated Russian airspace.”
“I pledge to you that America will not intentionally do anything that violates Russia’s sovereignty or national interests,” Martindale went on. “But America considers Iran’s actions in Turkmenistan a serious violation of international law and of America’s sovereign right to operate in non-aligned territories. We respect and appreciate Russia’s call for restraint and caution, but we won’t sit back patiently while Iran kills and captures Americans and steals our property. Russia is cautioned that if they are in harm’s way when America responds, we are not responsible for what happens.”
“Kevin, that sounds like a prepared message — I thought we could talk to each other man to man,” Zevitin said.
“It’s not a prepared speech, Leonid. That’s how I feel, and that’s my position. Our problem right now is with Iran. We know you have economic and military ties with Iran. We know…”
“Our only ties to Iran are economic, Kevin, as well as diplomatic,” Zevitin said. “But Iran is a friend and a recognized strategic partner of Russia. Any military action against Iran would be of very great concern to us.”
“Leonid, Russia has sold over five billion dollars’ worth of advanced military hardware to Iran in just the past few years,” Martindale said. “We know you have advisers and instructors on the ground throughout Iran. You may consider that purely economic, but the United States considers that military support. Russia has in the past tried to assert the 1987 Russo-Iranian Mutual Defense Treaty…”
“That treaty was signed only because of American support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War,” Zevitin said. “Russia does not station any troops in Iran, as you do in Iraq. We have occasionally conducted joint exercises and participated in training and officer exchange programs, as does the United States with many of their friends and allies.” He paused for a moment, and when he spoke again his voice was considerably lighter. “Come come, Kevin, we can argue like this to the end of time. Why bother? Let’s let the diplomats with their rose-colored language squabble over this and that. We can deal with this issue like leaders.
“I called to offer Russia’s sympathy and assistance in getting your man and your property back,” Zevitin went on. “As I said, Kevin, if you go to the Security Council, file a protest, and draft a resolution condemning Iran and demanding immediate return of all American property, Russia will stand with you. We will use all of our influence to see to it that the resolution is unanimously passed, and we will support any actions, short of war, to enforce the resolution. But if you decide not to take that path, Russia will not support you, and will vigorously protect and defend our own interests in the region.”
“Now who sounds like he’s reading from a prepared statement, Leonid?” Martindale asked, trying to keep his own tone light.
“As you know, Kevin, we Russians do not like to have breakfast each morning unless it has been planned five years ahead of time,” Zevitin said in an equally light tone, “but this time it is not from a prepared statement — it is from me.” His tone darkened considerably, and his Russian accent abruptly overshadowed the Western ones. “Step lightly in Iran, Mr. President. Use the United Nations, your allies, and Russia, and have patience. America has been wronged here, but America is not an innocent party in Iran either — we both know this to be true. Ask for support and you will get it, especially from Russia. Ask for trouble and violence, and you will get that as well.”
“Especially from Russia, Leonid?” Martindale asked.
There was a long, ominous pause on the line; then: “Good-bye, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. “May you be well. Good night to all your advisers listening in as well.”
“Good-bye, Mr. President. Take care.” He hung up the phone, and the others did as well. “That went better than I expected,” he said sarcastically.
“I wouldn’t trust him as far as I could throw him, Mr. President,” National Security Adviser Sparks said.
“He’s telling us what he knows, sir,” Secretary of State Mary Carson offered, “and he knows a lot. The Iranians must be feeding the Russians all their intel.”
“We’ve known the Russians have had military advisers in Iran for years, as the President told Zevitin,” Patrick McLanahan said. “But this level of cooperation is a serious development. Zevitin was issuing us a warning.”
“A warning? What warning?”
“I think Russia will intervene if we go into Iran,” Patrick replied. “He’s giving us a way to save face by going to the United Nations; by doing that, he can also give the Iranians more time to deal with the insurgency without resorting to more heavy-handed tactics. Whatever the reason, there’s no doubt that Russia and Iran are assisting each other now.”