Most of the time, especially when on public view, he exuded friendliness, expressed through an easy grin. His dress and hairstyle had a studied untidiness, conforming with the "common man" image. While objective observers saw Donahue for the opportunist he was, he was genuinely liked by many people, not only members of his own party, but political opponents. One reason was that he had a sense of humor and could take a joke at his own expense. Another was that he was good company, always interesting to be with. The last made him attractive to some women, a situation Donahue had a reputation for taking advantage of, even though he had a secure marriage and was seen frequently in the company of his wife and teenage children. This was the Senator Donahue who, shortly after 10 A.M. on the first Tuesday of December, gaveled to order the Senate Subcommittee on Ethical Merchandising, and announced that proceedings would begin with a short statement of his own. The committee was meeting in Room SR-253 of the Old Senate Office Building, an impressive setting. The chairman and fellow senators sat behind an elevated U-shaped desk, facing witnesses and the public. Three large windows overlooked the Senate park and fountain. There was a marble fireplace. Beige curtains had printed on them the Great Seal of the United States. "All of us here," Dennis Donahue began, reading from a prepared paper, "are aware of the ghastly, worldwide tragedy involving children whose brainpower and other normal functions have allegedly been destroyed by a drug which, until recently, was prescribed and sold in this country. The name of that drug is Montayne.”
The senator was a strong, commanding speaker, and the hundred or so people in the room were attentively silent. TV cameras were focused on him. Besides Donahue, eight other senators were present-five from Donahue's own majority party, and three from the minority. To the chairman's left was Stanley Urbach, the committee's chief counsel, a former district attorney from Boston. Behind the senators were fifteen members of the committee staff, some seated, others standing. "What these hearings will investigate," Donahue continued, "is the responsibility for this series of events, and whether...”
Celia, who was scheduled to be the first witness, listened as the opening statement continued along predictable lines. She was seated at a green -baize-covered table and beside her was her counsel, Childers Quentin. She had persuaded the courtly Quentin to accept this extra responsibility because, as she told him, "There's no other lawyer who knows more than you do, now, about Montayne, and I have confidence in your advice.”
That advice, relating to today, had been specific and forthright.”Describe the full facts as honestly, clearly and briefly as possible," Quentin insisted, "and do not attempt to be smart, or to score off Dennis Donahue.”
The last admonition had been in response to Celia's wish to bring out in evidence the fact that, more than two years earlier when Montayne's U.S. introduction was being delayed at FDA-some thought unreasonably-Donahue had been among those protesting the delay, describing it then as "clearly ridiculous in the circumstances.” "Absolutely not!" Quentin had ruled.”For one thing, Donahue will have remembered that remark; if not, his staff will remind him, so he'll be ready to deal with it. He'd probably say he was one more victim of drug company propaganda, or something of the kind. And, for another, you'd arouse his antagonism, which is extremely unwise.”
The lawyer then outlined for Celia some Washington facts of life. "A United States senator has enormous power and influence, in some ways even more than a President because the exercise of power is less visible. There isn't a government department a senator can't reach into and have something done, providing it isn't outrageous or illegal. Important people inside and outside government will fall over themselves to do a senator a favor, even if that favor is harmful to someone else. It's a system of trades and, within that system, a senator's power-which can be used benevolently or to destroy-is the biggest trading chip of all. Which is why it's a foolish person indeed who chooses to make an enemy of a U.S. senator.”
Celia had taken the advice to heart and cautioned herself to remember it in any exchange with Dennis Donahue, whom she already detested. Also accompanying Celia was Vincent Lord, now seated on the other side of Quentin. While Celia would make a statement on behalf of Felding-Roth and then be cross-examined, the research director's role was solely to answer questions if required. Senator Donahue concluded his remarks, paused briefly, then announced, "Our. first witness is Mrs. Celia Jordan, president of Felding-Roth Pharmaceuticals of New Jersey. Mrs. Jordan, do you wish to introduce your associates?" "Yes, Senator.”
In a few words, Celia introduced Quentin and Lord. Donahue nodded.”Mr. Quentin we know well. Dr. Lord, we are glad to have you with us. Mrs. Jordan, you have a statement, I believe. Please proceed.”
Celia remained seated at the witness table as she began, speaking into a microphone in front of her. "Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee: First and foremost my company wishes to express its great sorrow and sympathy for those families which have been part of what Senator Donahue, a few moments ago, described correctly as a worldwide tragedy. While the full scientific evidence is not yet in, and may take years to assemble, it now appears certain that the drug Montayne was responsible for damage to foetuses in wombs of pregnant women -in a very small section of the total population, and in circumstances impossible to foresee during the extensive testing of that drug, originally in France, later in other countries, and before its official approval by FDA for use in the United States.”
Celia's voice was clear, but low-keyed and deliberately not forceful. Her statement had been carefully drafted and worked on by several people, though principally by herself and Childers Quentin. She stayed with the text as she read, merely adding an occasional phrase where appropriate. "Something else my company wishes to point out is that it has, in all matters concerning Montayne-at every stage of testing, distribution, and reporting-complied with the law. Indeed, when serious doubts were raised about the drug, my company went beyond requirements of the law, and withdrew Montayne voluntarily, without waiting for a decision by the FDA.”
Celia continued, "I now wish to go back and review the origins of Montayne in France, where it was developed by Laboratoires Gironde-Chimie, a company of excellent reputation and with a long history of successful...”
As well as being precise, the report being delivered was impersonal. That, too, had been decided after discussions at Felding-Roth headquarters and at Childers Quentin's offices in Washington. Quentin had asked Celia, "How do you wish to handle the matter of your resignation over Montayne?" "Not at all," she had replied.”My resignation was personal, a matter of instinct and conscience. Now that I'm back, I'm representing the company, reporting what the company did.”