23“Alldeutsch,” Grossdeutschland und Mitteleuropa um das jahr 1950, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1895); Friedrich von Bernhardi, Deutschland und der nächste Krieg (Stuttgart, 1912), 189 ff.; Daniel Frymann [Heinrich Class], “Wenn ich der Kaiser wär”: Politische Wahrheiten und Notwendigkeiten (Leipzig, 1912), 168 ff. The quotation is from p. 170. Cf. Roger Chickering, We Men Who Feel Most German: A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League 1886–1914 (London, 1984); and William W. Hagen, Germans, Poles and Jews: The Nationality Conflict in the Prussian East, 1772–1914 (Chicago, 1980).
24The best presentation of parliament’s reponse to the Caprivi tariffs is Helmut Altrichter, Konstitutionalismus und Imperialisms. Der Reichstag und die deutsch-russischen Beziehungen 1890–1914 (Frankfurt, 1977), 111 ff. Walther Kirchner, “Russian Tariffs and Foreign Industries before 1919: The German Entrepreneur’s Perspective,” The Journal of Economic History XLI (1981), 361–380, stresses their limited effect on German industry.
25For the ideological development of German agrarian conservatism cf. Hans-Jürgen Pühle, Agrarische Interessenpolitik und preussischer Konservatismus (Hanover, 1967); and Kenneth D. Barkin, The Controversy over German Industrialization 1890–1902 (Chicago, 1970), 131 ff. For its impact on German politics see particularly Geoff Eley, Reshaping the German Right: Radical Nationalism and Political Change After Bismarck (New Haven and London, 1980); and more narrowly Abraham J. Peck, Radicals and Reactionaries: The Crisis of Conservatism in Wilhelmine Germany (Washington, D.C, 1978).
26For the evolution and ramifications of Bismarck’s eastern policies cf. most recently the DDR account by Heinz Wolter, Bismarcks Aussenpolitik 1871–1881 (Berlin, 1983), 191 passim; Susanne Zulinski, “Das Dreikaiserbündnis von 1881-Ein Bündnis der Entzweiung?” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Vienna, 1983); and Andreas Hillgruber, Bismarcks Aussenpolitik (Freiburg, 1972). Still useful for details is Wilhelm Windelband, Bismarck und die europäischen Grossmächte 1879–18885, 2nd ed. (Essen, 1942) Pending the appearance of Ivo Lambi’s projected study, the best English accounts remain A. J. P. Taylor, The Struggle For Mastery in Europe, 1848–1918 (Oxford, 1954), 258 ff.; George F. Kennan, The Decline of Bismarck’s European Order: Franco-Russian Relations 1875–1890 (Princeton, 1979), 60 ff.; and W. N. Medlicott, “Bismarck and the Three Emperors’ Alliance, 1881–1887,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, XXVII (1945), 61–83. In 1867 the Habsburg Empire of Austria officially became the Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary. Its halves retained a common foreign office and in principle sustained a common foreign policy. Contemporary diplomats tended to use “Austria” as a shorthand, much as “Russia” presently stands for “USSR.” The following text similarly uses “Austria” instead of “Austria-Hungary” except when the dual character of the Habsburg state is of primary importance to the point under discussion.
27For the evolution of Moltke’s official views and their implications, cf. his memoranda of April 27, 1871, and January, 1880, in Helmuth von Moltke, Die deutschen Aufmarschpläne 1871–1890, ed. by F. von Schmerfeld, pub. as Forschungen und Darstellungen aus dem Reichsarchiv VII (Berlin, 1929), 4 ff.; Eberhard Kessel, Moltke (Stuttgart, 1957), 622 passim, and Graydon A. Tunstall, “The Schlieffen Plan: The Diplomacy and Military Strategy of the Central Powers in the East, 1905–1914,” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Rutgers University, 1975), 12 ff.
28“Generalstabsreisen (Reise 1885),” in General-feldmarschall Alfred Graf Waldersee in seinem militärischen Wirken, ed. H. Mohs, Vol. II, 1882–1904 (Berlin, 1929), 147 ff.
29For Moltke’s 1887 memoranda on the military advantages of a first strike, see Die deutschen Aufmarschpläne, 137 passim. Cf. also “Generalstabsreisen (Reise 1886),” in Mohs, Waldersee II, 168 ff.; and Gerhard Ritter, “Die Zusammenarbeit der Generalstäbe Deutschlands und Österreich-Ungarns vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg,” in Zur Geschichte und Problematik der Demokratie. Festgabe für Hans Herzfeld (Berlin, 1958), 523–549.
30Cf. F. C. Bridge, From Sadowa to Sarajevo: The Foreign Policy of Austria-Hungary, 1866–1914 (London, 1972), 34 ff.; and Lothar Hobelt, “Österreich-Ungarn und das Deutsche Reich als Zweibundpartner,” in Österreich und die deutsche Frage im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. H. Lutz and H. Rumpler (Munich, 1982), 256–281.
31Kennan, Bismarck’s European Order, 103 ff., is comprehensive on Russia’s reaction to the Bulgarian crisis. On the issue of public opinion cf. Geyer, Der russische Imperialisms, 93 ff.; and the older and more detailed work of Irene Grünig, Die russische öffentliche Meinung und ihre Stellung zu den Grossmächten 1878–1894 (Berlin, 1929), 86 ff.
32The general patterns of Russo-German economic relations are summarized in the brief essay by Helmut Böhme, “Die deutsch-russischen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen unter dem Gesichtspunkt der deutschen Handelspolitik (1878–1894),” in Deutschland und Russland im Zeitalter des Kapitalismus, ed. K. O. von Aretin and Werner Conze (Wiesbaden, 1977), 173–190, and the accompanying discussion, 191–206. H. Müller-Link, Industrialisierung und Aussenpolitik. Preussen-Deutschland und das Zarenreich, 1860–1890 (Göttingen, 1977), is a detailed account, best read in company with Theodore H. von Laue, Sergei Witte and the Industrialization of Russia (New York, 1963). Bleichröder’s role is presented in Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder, and the Building of the German Empire (New York, 1977), 434 ff.
33Holstein’s views are reflected in the diary entries of Feb. 7, 1884, Oct. 13, 1885, Sept. 14 and Dec. 1, 1886, in The Holstein Papers, ed. N. Rich and M. H. Fisher, 4 vols. (Cambridge, 1955–63), II, 75, 253, 298–300, 315–316. Cf.
Norman Rich, Friedrich von Holstein: Politics and Diplomacy in the Era of Bismarck and Wilhelm II, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1965), I, 183 ff. Relevant models of Russian imperialism include Reinhard Wittram, “Das Russische Imperium und sein Gestaltwandel,” Historische Zeitschrift 187 (1959), 568–593; Donald W. Tread-gold, “Russian Expansion in the Light of Turner’s Study of the American Frontier, Agricultural History XXVI (1952), 147–152; and J. L. Wieczynski, “Toward a Frontier Theory of Early Russian History,” Russian Review XXIII (1974), 284–295.
34Diary entry of Jan. 8, 1887; and letter to Max von Thielmann, Mar. 22, 1887, Holstein Papers II, 330–331, 336–338.
35For the context of the Reinsurance Treaty cf. particularly Hans-Ulrich Wehler, “Bismarcks späte Russlandpolitik 1879–1890,” in Krisenherde des Kaiser-reiches 1871–1918. Studien zur deutschen Sozial-und Verfassungsgeschichte (Göttingen, 1970), 163–180; and Peter Rassow, “Die Stellung Deutschlands im Kreise der Grossen Mächte 1887–1890,” in Mainzer Akademie der Wissenschaft und der Literatur, Abhandlungen… 1959, 179–231. H. Hallmann, ed. Geschichte und Problematik des deutsch-russischen Rückversicherungsvertrags von 1887 (Darmstadt, 1968), incorporates the key documents, as well as excerpts from most major German interpretations.