This convoluted history of alliance, enmity, and cooptation is the prelude to That Smell. The narrator’s stupor is the daze of depoliticization, a sense that the large battles have already been fought and lost. In his meetings with friends and family, the talk is mostly about marriage, the newest American appliances, and how to get ahead in the new bureaucracies. That Smell is a political novel in the sense that it evokes, from the inside, the feeling of life after politics. It registers the cooling temperatures and lowered expectations of a moment when Nasser’s “holy march” toward Arab unity has stalled in the sands of economic reality and popular disaffection.
The most pervasive symptom of this stagnation, in Ibrahim’s fiction, is sexual. The narrator of That Smell is a prototype for the heroes of his later novels: a bookish loner whose encounters with women, real or imagined, are awkward and anticlimactic. His one meeting with a prostitute turns into a comedy of errors. It is the narrator’s sexual powerlessness that seems to have most worried the Egyptian censors. In his 1986 introduction, Ibrahim writes of being interrogated by an officer in the Ministry of Information shortly after the novel was printed. Why does the hero refuse to sleep with the prostitute, the official wants to know? Can’t he get it up? The censors were presumably more comfortable with the virile heroes of socialist realism — the dominant form for the novel in Egypt at the time — who were forever building dams, making speeches, and machine-gunning the Zionists. But it is Ibrahim’s novel that was more attuned to its times. It is now often seen as a work that foreshadowed the humiliation of the 1967 War, a novel that told the truth about Egyptian impotence even as the regime trumpeted its fictions of victory.
I’ve noted that there is a little mystery about how Ibrahim arrived at the style of his first work, a style that is at once simple and strange, or strange because it seems so simple. Compared to Egyptian writers of the previous generation — Naguib Mahfouz, Tawfik al-Hakim, Taha Hussein — Ibrahim’s prose is very plain. The syntax is straightforward and even monotonous (a monotony that is meant in part to mimic the dreary routines of the narrator’s life under house arrest). There are no spiraling clauses and only the most basic transitions, usually “and” or “then.” There are no ten-dollar words, only everyday nouns and verbs. It is a style that is aggressively unliterary. Reading it, one feels Ibrahim forcing the native eloquence of Arabic prose to make room for a degree of inelegance and even ugliness. This inelegance, so disturbing to the novel’s original readers, is one of the elements I find lacking in the previous English translation, The Smell of it & other stories (1971), by Denys Johnson-Davies. In that edition, Ibrahim’s lower-middle-class characters speak a plummy version of English and the unbroken block of the original Arabic text — a layout that fits the stream-of-consciousness narrative — is transformed into tidy paragraphs and indented dialogue.
For some hints about how he arrived at this intentionally unstylish style of writing, and also for some sense of Ibrahim’s life in prison, we can turn to the Yawmiyat al-Wahat, translated here as Notes from Prison. This is a series of journal entries Ibrahim wrote during his last two years in prison, from the spring of 1962 to the spring of 1964. In November 1963, Ibrahim transferred the contents of these secret notebooks to Turkish Bafra-brand cigarette papers, to make them easier to smuggle out. Excerpts from this archive first appeared in the Cairene magazine al-Hilal in 2003. The full diary, with accompanying notes and an introduction by Ibrahim, was published the following year. He summarized its contents in this way: “Writing and its difficulties, the role of the writer and his formation, the many contradictory theories of the novel — these considerations take up a large portion of my notebooks.” In the earlier entries Ibrahim dreams of a heroic writer who will “dive into the depths of the people” and “reveal the way forward”; later entries are increasingly concerned with questions of technique and style. The Arabic version runs to well over a hundred pages. For the purposes of this translation, I have selected only a small portion, about one fifth of the total. Many of the notes concern writing projects that never came to fruition, or would require context beyond the scope of this edition. I have focused instead on those entries I take to be relevant to the composition of That Smell. Read in this way, as prolegomena to the novel, they offer a fascinating glimpse into Ibrahim’s procedures as a reader and a writer.
“Prison was my university,” Ibrahim writes in his own introduction to the Notes, and indeed the entries read at times like a syllabus, or a wish list for future reading. “Must read Ulysses,” he writes in December 1962, when he was twenty-five years old. And three months later, “Must read Proust.” The diaries have relatively little to say about prison routine or with Ibrahim’s personal life, in part because he feared the notes might be seized and used against him. Nevertheless, a picture does emerge between the lines of an intensely intellectual environment. Most of the Communists’ reading seems to have been acquired through the prison guards, who occasionally spent a week in Cairo or Alexandria and were easily bribed. Cultural supplements from Cairene newspapers formed a large part of the prisoners’ reading. An ex-leader of the party, Henri Curiel, who arranged for the prisoners’ legal defense from his exile in Paris, also sent copies of La Nouvelle Critique, which one of the French-speaking inmates would translate for the rest. The arrival of Naguib Mahfouz’s The Cairo Trilogy caused such excitement that the prisoners drew up a waiting list for readers. During the day, the inmates buried their library in the sand outside the cells. (This same bookish and clandestine milieu was cultivated by Muslim Brotherhood prisoners, who shared jails with the Communists, though the two groups kept mostly to themselves. Indeed, much of modern Egyptian intellectual history was born in Nasser’s prisons.)
Three central interests stand out in Ibrahim’s diaries. The first is the importance of literature from the USSR. Soviet culture was viewed by the Egyptian Communists as a mirror, a model, and a warning. It was more advanced, but also more damaged than their own. The diary is full of the news about Novy Mir, the Soviet monthly that briefly served as a forum for liberal opposition in the wake of de-Stalinization. For fathomable reasons, one of the first books Ibrahim read after his release is Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, first published in Novy Mir in 1962. There are several entries that hint at connections Ibrahim was making between Soviet and Egyptian experience, often by way of citation rather than commentary. In May of 1963, he reproduces a passage by Yevgeny Yevtushenko, among the most famous poets in the world at the time (now hardly read), whose memoirs were being serialized in the French magazine L’Express: “To explain away the cult of Stalin’s personality by saying that it was imposed by force is, to say the least, rather naïve,” Yevtushenko writes. “Many genuine Bolsheviks arrested at that time refused to believe that this had happened with his knowledge, still less on his personal instructions. Some of them, after being tortured, traced the words ‘Long Live Stalin’ in their own blood on the walls of their prison.” Given what Ibrahim says elsewhere about the Egyptian Communists’ perverse relation to Nasser, which he describes as “absolute support from our side; repression and murder from his side,” it is easy to see why this particular anecdote jumped out at him.