Another reason for hope, as I read the situation, is in the potential for a negotiated agreement in the U.S.-Iran standoff. Having watched what has and has not worked in complex nuclear diplomacy scenarios, I believe the elements for a solution are finally in place. Both sides are motivated to achieve a partnership. This does not mean every individual is so motivated; there are hordes of detractors firmly planted in both governments—not to mention pundits who prowl the media airwaves and populate various editorial boards. But the key individuals are keen to find a way forward.
The change that took place in mid-2009 is without precedent. To an audience whose customary window onto such goings-on consists of the Washington Post or the Financial Times, it is difficult to convey the nature of this behind-the-scenes shift in attitude. But in the frenetic final weeks of my tenure, the efforts to identify creative solutions, along with the reassurances of goodwill and respect passed back and forth between Iran and the United States, were all but unheard of during the previous eight years. The subsequent breakthroughs, admittedly, have been small—a few discussions between officials, exchanges of letters behind the scenes, and the reconvening of the six parties in negotiation, with the United States finally represented at the table. Progress is always tentative. Long periods of 2010 were frittered away with additional posturing and delays. But as such small steps alter the notion of what is possible, the concept of renewed ties between the two countries is no longer quite so unimaginable. Whatever the outcome, this change is a testament to the shifts that are possible when the necessary political will is present, with fairness and equity as the starting point.
Of course, Iran is not the only nuclear game in town. North Korea’s nuclear weapons capability, even if not fully defined, has long been a major source of regional insecurity in East Asia. The complex political maneuvering that emanates from Pyongyang is historically difficult to read. But on this front, too, the seeds have been sown for a peaceful resolution of nuclear proliferation concerns and other insecurities on the Korean Peninsula. Whatever the hurdles, past lessons tell us that any solution lies in helping North Korea move away from its pariah status and return to the community of nations.
The final reason not to lose faith that diplomacy and dialogue can prevail as the strategy for dealing with nuclear crises is based on a point of logic: the alternative is unacceptable. Of course, optimism is a far cry from certainty. Nuclear diplomacy is a tedious, wrenching business. But the road ahead is clear. Ultimately, we are a single, conjoined human family; like it or not, we are in this together. The only quest that makes sense, the only quest worth pursuing, is toward collective security.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Nuclear diplomacy is a complex and long-term undertaking. Yet the world is a better place because of the intensive labor and sustained commitment of people throughout the international nuclear community: diplomats, inspectors, scientists, lawyers, lab workers, journalists, activists, and academics, leaders from every sector and at every level, and in particular my colleagues, the dedicated men and women of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Many have been a source of inspiration and encouragement in the writing of this book; many of their ideas, observations, and anecdotes have enlivened and enriched these pages and, while it is impossible to name every person, each one has my sincere gratitude.
A few people deserve special mention for their contributions to this project.
I am especially indebted to Laban Coblentz, my chief collaborator in the conceptual development and writing of this narrative, without whom this book would not have been what it is. An extraordinarily gifted writer, an innovative thinker, and an unfailingly cheerful and loyal friend, Laban found ways to burn the candle at more locations than should be humanly possible. I must also single out his most valuable asset, his wife, Angeline, a former IAEA colleague, without whose patience, support, and discipline this book could not have been completed.
The writing also benefited greatly from the assistance of a number of IAEA colleagues—Jacques Baute, Vilmos Cserveny, Olli Heinonen, Herman Nackaerts, Tariq Rauf, Laura Rockwood, and David Waller—who, graciously and on their own time, supplemented my memories of what happened when and where, adjusted and clarified my lawyer’s explanations of nuclear technology, and answered many questions to ensure the accuracy of the accounts. Eva Moosbrugger, my longtime dedicated assistant and confidante at the IAEA, generously donated countless evenings to carefully transcribe my rambling reflections from recorded dictation into intelligible text, and prodded me to record my thoughts even in the busiest of times. Ewelina Hilger, researcher par excellence, made similarly exhaustive efforts on her own time to track down supporting documentation, confirm coordinates and chronologies, and follow up with various IAEA and industry experts on important details. Stephanie Zupancic, my current assistant, followed me uncomplainingly to Cairo; le Gers, France; and many other places, helping me stay in touch no matter how remote my location or how challenging my schedule.
Most of the themes and concepts explored in these pages were first articulated in speeches and writings during my tenure as IAEA Director General. In addition to those already named, key contributors to the molding and expression of these ideas include Richard Murphy, Melissa Fleming, Graham Andrew, Geoffrey Shaw, and Ian Biggs.
Noah Lukeman, my agent, approached me years ago with the idea of writing this book, understanding how important it was for these messages to reach a broader audience, and gently refused to let it drop off my radar screen. I am especially grateful to Noah for helping to find the book a genuinely supportive home at Metropolitan Books. Metropolitan’s publisher, Sara Bershtel, has been an energetic and caring advocate, supplying crucial advice and encouragement, while my editor, Riva Hocherman, proved to be an ideal partner in shaping and sharpening the focus of the manuscript. Riva is, hands down, the finest editor a first-time author could hope for: her intelligence in grasping what I wanted to convey, her uncanny craftsmanship, her passion for getting the ideas just right and staying on message helped to turn the narrative into a finely tuned, compelling read.
No author could wish for a more supportive and loving family. My wife and children, as well as my mother, brothers, and sisters, have always been there for me during the highs and lows of my time as Director General. My son, Mostafa, in his thoughtful and understated way, was always present to gently challenge my intellectual ability, and when I needed him to fix an Internet connection or come to the rescue of my rudimentary software skills, his “geek” IT talents were always available. My daughter, Laila, and my son-in-law, Neil Pizey, unfortunately both lawyers like me, read multiple versions of the narrative, churning out pages of perceptive questions, helping me to tease out the technical details that needed more explanation for the educated lay reader—Laila in her direct and irreverent way and Neil in his more soft-spoken and probing manner.
Nothing I put into words will be sufficient to describe how very fortunate I am to have Aida, my wife, as my partner, friend, and alter ego. Throughout the emotional, mental, and physical stress that came with the episodes described in this book, as well as the labor of its writing, she has been my unwavering ally, my honest advisor, and my sanctuary.
Finally, I would like to pay homage to my late father, who, even in his absence, remains an inspiration to me for many of the values I hold dear.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
MOHAMED ELBARADEI served as Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency from 1997 to 2009. He was awarded the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize, together with the IAEA, and has also been honored with the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development; the Nile Collar; and the Roosevelt Institute’s Four Freedoms Award. Founder of the Egyptian opposition movement the National Association for Change, ElBaradei lives in Cairo.