Postumus and his cronies had the presumption to appoint consuls, as if Postumus were a real emperor and they actually held Rome. The two appointed for this year told a tale. Aemilianus and Titus Destricius Juba: both senators, ex-consuls, once supposed friends of Gallienus’s father. Both now rewarded for their treachery. Aemilianus, governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, had organized the defection of Spain to the rebels. Juba had done the same with Britain.
Despite Gallienus’s relentless diplomacy and the outlay of precious reserves of coin, the senatorial governors of the provinces of Spain and Britain had deserted. The moral was clear: the senate was not to be trusted, the senators hated their lawful emperor, the man to whom they had sworn the sacramentum.
Diplomacy, even had it been successful, was far from the emperor’s favoured option; it could only ever have been a stopgap. From the first, Gallienus had wanted direct military action; invasion leading to the – preferably slow and agonizing – death of the Batavian bastard Postumus. Again and again, however, something had got in the way.
The previous year, Gallienus had assembled at Mediolanum the largest field army straitened circumstances had allowed. But then the majority of it had to be marched east to fight the Macriani. Once Macrianus, father and son, were dead, Gallienus had crossed the Alps. It had been late in the season, but the campaign had begun well enough. Then the defection of the governor of Raetia, Simplicinus Genialis, had forced Gallienus to retrace his steps to guard Italy.
It was much the same this year. First there was Byzantium. The city was strategically important. It was both the best crossing between Europe and Asia, and it dominated the sea route linking the Aegean and the Black Sea. More important still, its continued defiance acted as an encouragement to any considering revolt. Gallienus’s hand had been forced. He had had no choice but to go there himself.
Now there was Egypt. Mussius Aemilianus, the governor, first had gone over to the Macriani. Then, after their defeat at Serdica, even though Quietus had still been alive in Syria, Mussius had declared himself emperor. Egypt provided most of the grain which gave the plebs of Rome the first element of bread and circuses. Without it, the plebs urbana would riot; the eternal city would burn, and the weakness of the regime would be evident. Egypt had to be regained.
Gallienus had written to Odenathus, his corrector in the east, ordering him to crush the pretender. The Lion of the Sun had replied he could not. Shapur the Sassanid, although he faced rebellion from some of his own subjects somewhere near the Caspian Sea, posed too potent a threat to allow Odenathus to spare the troops to conquer Egypt. Besides, Odenathus had nowhere near enough ships, and a fleet was essential to bring Egypt back into the fold.
At Gallienus’s word, warships had been gathered from the fleets at Misenum and Ravenna, and transports from the whole of Italy and Sicily. Again the majority of the field army had to be sent away. The expedition was entrusted to Theodotus and Domitianus, two of the best of the protectores. The former, as an Egyptian, knew the country well. They were ordered to rendezvous on Cyprus with the squadron of Venerianus once the latter had chased the Goths into the Black Sea. From there the force would proceed to Caesarea Maritima on the coast of Syria Palestina, collect what men Odenathus could give them, and then to Egypt.
Gallienus knew that, even if all went as well as it could, the Egyptian expedition could not return to Italy in time to cross the Alps before the autumn snows blocked the passes. Another year, and still Postumus would remain unpunished.
Indeed, there was another grave concern. With most of the imperial forces committed to the east, Postumus, despite his worthless, weasel words about remaining content with what he held, might think to invade Italy. At Mediolanum, the protectores Tacitus, Claudius and Camsisoleus had a pitifully inadequate number of soldiers. It was vital that Gallienus and the cavalry with him reached the north Italian plain as soon as possible.
Nummius Faustinianus was evidently nearing the end of his oration. Some weighty-sounding words on the theme of imperial virtues – virtus , clementia, iustitia and pietas: the ones inscribed on the golden shield which hung in front of the palatium – and it was done.
The comites shook back their cloaks. Urbane applause, nothing to concern the silentarii of the court, echoed around the high chamber.
Gallienus thanked his fellow consuclass="underline" measured words, suitable to imperial dignitas. Now it was time for Gallienus to issue the orders he had formulated earlier while riding through the countryside of Pannonia.
‘Our Princeps Peregrinorum Rufinus has brought us news of troubling developments to the east of the Black Sea in Colchis and the Caucasus mountains.’
The emperor’s words, as was only right, were received with the hushed silence of anticipation, even awe.
‘The frumentarii stationed in those parts have sent reports that the agents of Shapur have been active. With bribes and false promises, the so-called King of Kings is attempting to subvert the loyalty to Rome of the rulers of Abasgia and the kings of Suania, Iberia and Albania. The peaks where once Prometheus suffered for humanity might seem far away, but the gaze of an emperor, like that of the sun, takes in the whole world.’
The comites quietly murmured their assent.
‘The plots of the treacherous Persian tyrant must be thwarted. Our magnanimity will not let the inhabitants of those distant places be corrupted. A mission will be sent. It will give gifts to those in power deserving of them. Furthermore, it will give them security against the barbarians of the north, against the Alani and other bloodthirsty Scythians. The walls and towers blocking the passes of the Caucasus are said to be in bad condition. The mission will repair the Caspian Gates.
‘The most noble ex-consul Felix will head the mission. He will go personally to the rulers of Abasgia. Under his command, Marcus Clodius Ballista will go to the king of Suania; Marcus Aurelius Rutilus to the king of Iberia, and Gaius Aurelius Castricius to the king of Albania.’
Gallienus smiled regally. ‘Unfortunately, soldiers cannot be spared to accompany them. Yet four more suitable men of virtus could not be found in the wide sweep of our imperium. We can be sure they will not fail. Their mandata will be issued today. They will meet at Byzantium as soon as the gods allow. A trireme will be waiting to convey them.’
The assembled men of power prostrated themselves. Gallienus held out the ring bearing the imperial seal. One by one the comites kissed it, and backed out of the audience chamber.
The consilium was over. Time for a bath and lunch. Gallienus was feeling better. He was extremely pleased with what he had decreed. The problems of the Caucasus had been addressed. More than that, four difficult men had been removed to a place where they could do no harm. No one was ever likely to raise a revolt and threaten the central power from such a remote spot. And Gallienus had kept his word to Demetrius. After lunch, the youth, doubtless, would find pleasing ways to express the depth of his gratitude.
Excursus
(The Caucasus, Spring, AD262)
Away with feminine fears, Dress up your mind like your own cruel home. -Seneca, Medea 42-3
The ox is wreathed; the end is near, the sacrificer to hand.
The young woman considered the oracle. It had been proclaimed about something quite other, a long time ago, in a distant land. It had come into her mind unbidden. Yet it might not prove totally inapposite. Philip of Macedon had taken the Persians for the ox; himself for the sacrificer. Delphic obscurity had confounded him: the Persians had no part of it; Philip’s role was the opposite.