That gave the Freedom Party men an opening. "Longstreet the nigger-lover!" they yelled, and pushed forward harder than ever.
Pinkard's left arm ached where a club had got home. Another one had laid his forehead open above his left eyebrow. He kept shaking his head like a restive horse, trying to keep the blood out of his eyes. Step by bitter step, the Freedom Party men forced the Whigs back toward the end of the street. If they broke out into the crowd, they'd win the day, rampaging through the crowd and wrecking Hugo Black's rally.
A pistol barked. Jeff saw the muzzle flash rather than hearing the report; that was lost in the din of battle. The Freedom Party man next to him grunted and clutched his belly and folded up like a concertina.
As soon as the first shot was fired, pistols came out on both sides. Freedom Party men and Whigs blazed away at one another from point-blank range. The Whigs had fired first-Pinkard thought they had, anyhow-but the Freedom Party men had more firepower and more determination, or maybe just more combat experience. They kept going forward, smashing down or shooting the last few Whigs who stood against them.
"Freedom!" Pinkard bawled as he ran across the grass toward the people who'd thought they were going to hear the Whig vice-presidential candidate speak. "Freedom!" his fellow stalwarts howled at his side and behind him. This had to be what a breakthrough felt like, what the damnyankees had known when they smashed the Confederate lines in Tennessee and Virginia during the war.
He whooped with delight when more Freedom Party men burst out from another street and charged the assembled Whigs. Then the stalwarts were in among the crowd, some clubbing, some kicking, some shooting. A few of the men in the crowd tried to fight back. Most of the tough ones, though, had tried to hold the Freedom Party men out and were already down.
From the podium, Hugo Black cried out, "This is madness!"
He was right, not that it did him any good. Madness it was, madness engulfing his party, madness engulfing his country. After the third bullet cracked past him, after the Birmingham police did nothing to slow down the Freedom Party stalwarts, he leaped down and made his escape.
Pinkard's club broke when he hit a rich-looking man in the head. The Whig's skull broke, too; Jeff could feel it. He waded on through the fray with fists and heavy shoes. "Freedom!" he yelled exultantly. "Featherston and freedom!"
W hig headquarters in Charleston a week before the election reminded Clarence Potter of Army of Northern Virginia headquarters a week before the Confederate States had asked the United States for an armistice. He was among the walking wounded: two fingers of his left hand were splinted, he sported a shiner and wore a new pair of glasses he couldn't afford, and he was all over bruises. And, all things considered, he was one of the lucky ones.
Braxton Donovan had a bandage wrapped around his head. He'd needed an X ray to make sure he didn't have a fractured skull. His nod held a graveyard quality. "Almost over now," he said.
"Everything's almost over now," Potter said gloomily. "We showed those bastards we could fight, too, by God."
The lawyer nodded, then grimaced and reached into his jacket pocket for a vial of pills. He washed down two of them with a sip from his drink. "Wonderful stuff, codeine," he remarked. "It's especially good with whiskey. Doesn't quite make the headache go away, but it sure makes you stop caring. Yeah, we showed the yahoos we could fight, too. Fat lot of good it's done us. How many dead?"
"A couple of dozen here in Charleston." Even before Potter went into intelligence, he'd always had figures at his fingertips. "Over a hundred in the state. All over the country? Who knows? More than a thousand, or I miss my guess. Close to fifty men killed in that one shootout in Birmingham all by itself. Hugo Black is lucky to be alive, if you want to call it luck."
"Ha. Funny." Donovan drained the whiskey. He scowled. "I hope those pills hurry up. My head feels like it wants to fall off. If that bastard had hit me just a little harder, you'd be counting one more dead man here."
"I know." Potter held up his left hand. "I got these broken keeping another one of those stinking stalwarts from caving in my skull. We have made them pay, though. Even if they do win, they know they've been in a brawl."
"If they win, it doesn't matter," Braxton Donovan said. "Do you know what I wish?"
"Hell, yes, I know what you wish. You wish the same thing I do," Potter said. "You wish the Radical Liberals would drop out of the race and throw whatever weight they've got left behind Longstreet and Black. And you know what?"
"What?"
For once, Potter let a full, rich drawl come into his voice as he answered, "It ain't a-gonna happen, that's what."
"It should, by God," Donovan said. "The Rad Libs have just as much to lose if Jake Featherston wins as we do."
"You know that, and I know that, but Hull and Long don't know that," Clarence Potter said. "All they know is, we've been kicking their tails every six years as long as there've been Confederate States of America. If we were in hell-"
"What do you mean, 'if'?" Donovan said. "With Jake Featherston president…"
"If we were in hell and screaming for water, they'd throw us a big jar of gasoline to drink." Potter was damned if he'd let the lawyer step on a good line.
"What are we going to do?" Braxton Donovan said. "What can we do? Only thing left is to go down swinging."
"Far as I'm concerned, we battle 'em all the way up till next Tuesday," Potter replied. "The more Congressmen and legislators we elect, the more trouble Featherston and his goons will have getting their laws through. And the bastard can't run again in 1939, so this too shall pass."
"Like a kidney stone," Donovan said morosely. By the way he set one hand on the small of his back for a moment, he spoke from experience. But then he managed a smile and gently touched his bandaged head. "Codeine is starting to work."
"Good," Potter said. People were setting down drinks and taking seats on the folding chairs at the front of the hall. "Looks like the meeting's going to come to order. Let's see how exciting it is, shall we?"
It was about as bad as he'd expected. The speakers insisted on staying optimistic long after the time for optimism had passed. When Potter heard, "Sam Longstreet will make a great president of the Confederate States!" for the fourth time, he stopped listening. He didn't think Longstreet was a bad man at all-on the contrary. But as long as the Whigs kept running sons and grandsons and great-grandsons of the men who'd won the War of Secession, they gave Jake Featherston an easy target.
He thought about getting to his feet and saying so. In the end, he didn't. Time enough for that at the postmortem; the death wasn't official yet. The meeting was less quarrelsome than a lot he'd been to. He doubted he was the only one saving recriminations for after the election.
Quarrels did go on, though, through the streets of Charleston and across the Confederate States. Potter did his share. He didn't need his left hand to swing a blackjack. He dented a couple of Freedom Party crania-and had his new pair of spectacles broken. Only afterwards did he realize he hadn't had to wear them into the brawl. Hindsight was twenty-twenty. He, unfortunately, wasn't, and now he had to pay twice for the privilege of seeing straight. He was pretty sure the stalwarts he'd clobbered couldn't see straight now, either. That was something.
Tuesday, November 7, 1933, dawned chilly and drizzly. Polls opened at eight in the morning. Jamming a broad-brimmed fedora down low on his forehead to keep water out of his eyes, Potter made his myopic way to the polling place around the corner from his apartment building. Election officials had chalked on the sidewalk a hundred-foot semicircle with the polling place as its center. Inside that circle, electioneering was forbidden. Outside it, Freedom Party men chanted Jake Featherston's name.