Freeman took all these sights in as well as he sat silently beside me. He did not lean forward or turn his head to stare out the car window. He never tipped his hand by showing interest in anything around him. Even so, few details ever slipped past him.
I had noticed something about Ray that morning. He seemed liked a caged animal, coiled tight and ready to lash out or escape. I could not read him as we drove through DC.
In the distance, I saw the Capitol, a twenty-story building topped off with a three-hundred-foot marble dome. It was the largest building on the face of the earth, with twenty-four thousand miles of corridors. We did not drive to the Capitol, however. Nor did the driver pull into the Pentagon, a monolithic cube that, despite the geometric significance of its name, had only four sides.
Instead, our driver took us into the heart of Washington, DC, where the real deals were crafted. Skyscrapers filled with law offices and banking operations lined the road. Our driver passed the ostentatious thirty-and forty-story structures, then pulled into a five-story affair. Civilian guards met us as we entered the underground garage. They directed us down five floors. We left the sedan in a dimly lit level on which there were no other cars. As we approached the elevator into the building, armed soldiers asked us for our identification. We showed them our cards, and the driver gave them his orders.
I expected an armed security man to follow us into the elevator, but the building security system had something far more dangerous. As our driver held his orders under a scanner which automatically chose our floor, I noted the vent opening in the chrome bezel along the ceiling. I had seen an elevator ventilation duct like that before. Should an intruder be caught in this car, deadly gas would pour out of that opening.
Four security men with holsters and pistols met us when the elevator doors slid open. They accompanied a young woman who identified herself as William Grace’s secretary. “Mr. Freeman, Colonel Harris, if you would please follow me,” she said.
Our driver left us in her custody. “This is as far as I go,” he said. The man did not even attempt to hide his government identity at this point. He wore his shades indoors like every spook I had ever known. He did not button his black suit coat, but rather allowed it to swing open, showing just a hint of his holster and pistol. He caught a glimpse of me eyeing the pistol and smiled. The guy thought of himself as a big specking deal.
The halls were dark and decorated in a timeless style. Dark wood panels lined the walls. Brass-and-crystal light fixtures hung from the ceiling. When the men of the Roman Senate plunged their knives into Julius Caesar, I am convinced they did it in a room with brass fixtures and cherrywood-paneled walls.
The secretary led Freeman and me into a large conference room, and I froze in midstride. “Wild Bill” Grace and Gordon Hughes stood to greet me. Grace, the senior member of the Linear Committee, I had expected to see. Hughes, the Chairman of the Confederate Arms Treaty Organization, I had not.
Hughes had once been the speaker in the U.A. House of Representatives. He abandoned the Republic at the beginning of the war and became the most powerful politician in the Confederate Arms. Now he and Grace stood, casually chatting like old friends.
Grace and Hughes came to the door to shake hands with Freeman and me. They seemed entirely at ease with each other, as if the war had never taken place.
“Colonel Harris, this is a distinct pleasure,” Hughes said, reaching out to shake my hand. He and I had met once before, shortly after the battle on Little Man. Back then, as a Marine, I had been summoned to testify about the battle in Congress. On that occasion, I had entered the chambers as a heroic survivor of a battle and left in derision. As we shook hands, I think Hughes sensed both my anger and my confusion.
“You’re surprised to see me here,” Hughes said.
“Hell, yes,” I said.
That response earned a knowing laugh from both politicians. “Quite understandable,” Hughes said.
“We have a lot to discuss,” Grace, clearly the man presiding, said in a businesslike tone. “Perhaps we should get started.”
It was a small meeting—ten people sitting around a conference table discussing the future of the galaxy. Gordon Hughes came with a female secretary and two plainclothes men. William Grace brought General Smith from the U.A. Air Force and two aides. The only other people in the room were Freeman and me and a couple of guards.
“I might as well begin by explaining what you are doing here,” Grace said, looking over at Hughes. He turned toward Freeman and me. “Colonel Harris, the Mogat attack on the Mars broadcast discs shut down the Broadcast Network, but that does not mean it shut down all pangalactic travel.”
“The scientific fleet,” I said, suddenly realizing the obvious. The Unified Authority built its first fleet of self-broadcasting scientific ships decades before it began work on the Broadcast Network. I felt embarrassed for not figuring that out sooner.
“The scientific fleet,” Grace agreed. “We have nearly two thousand self-broadcasting ships on Earth and in the field. They may not be combat-ready, but they are able to travel.
“You are not the only one who forgot about our civilian fleet. From what we can tell, the Mogats seem to have entirely forgotten about our civil ships as well.”
“We certainly overlooked them,” Gordon Hughes added.
“Using our exploration ships, we have been able to locate all eighteen of our Navy fleets. Sending supplies out is not as convenient as it used to be, but we have managed to reestablish supply lines.”
I felt like an adult man learning addition for the first time in front of people who had mastered quantum notations. I should have remembered the scientific fleet. Here I had thought that the Mogats left Earth isolated and helpless when in reality galactic communications could still be achieved.
“Gordon, here, was the one who told us what you did to help fight the Mogats,” Grace added. “Once we discovered your identity, the chairman told us all about your exploits on that Mogat ship.”
“Yoshi isn’t the only one who realizes that we need an alliance,” Hughes said. “The Mogats launched an attack on us within hours of the invasion.” He meant the invasion of Earth.
Judging by the way Gordon Hughes and William Grace spoke, Confederate Arms’ participation in the attack on the Earth Fleet was still a sensitive topic. Grace referred to the enemy fleet as the “Mogat Fleet,” avoiding any mention of Confederate Arms involvement. For his part, Hughes seemed just as anxious to pretend the Mogats had launched the attacks on their own. Hughes and Grace acted like old friends, just a couple of businessmen planning their next big merger.
“We sent an ambassador to Earth to ask if we could sign an accord with the Unified Authority ending our hostilities,” Hughes said. He smiled. “That’s not quite as dramatic as sending back a war hero bearing an olive branch and a flag of truce, but Yoshi and I had the same goal in mind.”
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Yamashiro and his four-boat Shin Nippon Navy gave Freeman and me one week to enter Washington, DC, locate whoever was in charge—if anyone was in charge, and propose an alliance. At the end of one week, he would fly past Earth and scan for our signal. If he received the wrong signal, or there was no signal at all, he would fly past and never return. He did not offer to search for us. We were not from his clan.
As it turned out, we didn’t need a week to pass on Yamashiro’s invitation. Had he returned within twenty-four hours of dropping us off, we would have had more than enough time. By lunch that next day, both William Grace, chief member of the Linear Committee, and Gordon Hughes, chairman of C.A.T.O., had already agreed to meet with Yamashiro.