8. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, 260.
9. Interview with Bill Clark, July 17, 2003; and Bill Clark, “President Reagan and the Wall,” Address to the Council of National Policy, San Francisco, California, March 2000, 7–8.
10. Interview with Bill Clark, February 14, 2005.
11. Bill Clark, “President Reagan and the Wall,” Address to the Council of National Policy, San Francisco, California, March 2000, 2.
12. Ibid., 3–5.
13. Norman A. Bailey, The Strategic Plan That Won the Cold War: National Security Decision Directive 75 (McLean, VA: The Potomac Foundation, 1999), ii.
14. Another Californian from the gubernatorial days, speaks to Clark’s role. Noting that Reagan was ready to make “a concerted effort, as part of a coherent overall strategy, to win the Cold War and consign the Soviet system to ‘the ash heap of history,’” Weinberger says that this goal now proceeded full throttle under Bill Clark. Weinberger, In the Arena, 285–87.
15. Pipes, Vixi, 204.
16. Aleksey Petrov, “Not Firmness But Thick-Headedness,” Pravda, January 9, 1982, circulated by TASS, January 10, 1982, printed as “Petrov Article Assails U.S. Course on Poland,” in FBIS-SOV-11-JAN-82, January 11, 1982, F2.
17. Moscow Domestic Service, March 17, 1983. Transcript published as “Directive 75 ‘Subversive’ Anti-Soviet Plan” in FBIS-SOV-18-MAR-83, March 18, 1983, A8.
18. Richard Pipes, “Misinterpreting the Cold War,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 1995, 157.
19. Pipes, Vixi, 165, 168.
20. Reagan, “Proclamation 4891—Solidarity Day,” January 20, 1982.
21. See, among others: Reagan, “Remarks at the New York City Partnership Luncheon,” New York, NY, January 14, 1982; “State of the Union,” 1982; and Reagan, “Remarks at the Centennial Meeting of the Supreme Council of the Knights of Columbus,” Hartford, Connecticut, August 3, 1982.
22. For another example, see Reagan, “Address to the Conservative Political Action Conference,” Washington, DC, February 26, 1982, in Roberts, ed., A City Upon a Hill, 70.
23. Ibid., 70.
24. Reed, At the Abyss, 226–28, 239.
25. The speech is dated circa 1963. It is called “Are Liberals Really Liberal?” A copy is located in the Hoover Institution Archives in Ronald Reagan Subject Collection, Box 1, which contains pre-1966 speeches and writings. A full transcript in Skinner, Anderson, and Anderson, eds., Reagan, In His Own Hand, 438–42.
26. Schweizer, Victory, 5.
27. Reagan, An American Life, 237.
28. This Reagan’s diary entry from March 26, 1982. Ibid, 316.
29. Ibid, 237–38.
30. Ibid, 237.
31. Ibid, 552.
32. Owen Smith, Casey’s son-in-law, observes that Casey was an actual “DCI”—the formal title of the head of the CIA—more than a “DCIA,” in the sense that he was more a Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) than a Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (DCIA). Conversation with Owen Smith, Washington, DC, May 10, 2000.
33. This was a natural extension of Casey’s early career training, having practiced economic warfare against the Nazis when he was at the Office of Strategic Services, the CIA’s World War II predecessor organization. He saw the Bolsheviks as replacing one totalitarian system (Hitler’s) with their own. Pointing to Communist countries like Cambodia, where 2 to 3 million out of a population of 5 to 7 million was killed or starved to death in just four years in the latter 1970s, Casey said that Marxist regimes were responsible for a “holocaust comparable” to that of Nazi Germany. Casey stated this during an October 27, 1986 speech to the John Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs at Ashland College in Ashland, OH. In Mark B. Liedl, ed., Scouting the Future: The Public Speeches of William J. Casey (Washington, DC: Regnery, 1989), 31–39.
34. In a May 1981 speech (Casey wrote his own speeches)—very early in the life of the Reagan administration—Casey said, “The Soviet economy is gasping under its inherent inefficiencies.” While informing his audience that his CIA would devote “a large slice” of funding to conventional activities, he added: “But they will have to be supplemented by increased efforts to assess economic vulnerabilities.” See Casey address to the Annual Meeting of the Business Council, HS, VA, May 9, 1981, in Liedl, Scouting the Future, 8, 16–24.
35. Clark has spoken to this a number of times. Among others, see Schweizer, Victory, xvi, xix. Reagan gave Casey the green light to do countless things that a DCI is not supposed to do. Some will protest that that was a big problem. Others will say it was critical in damaging the USSR. None can deny the influence Casey was granted.
36. “Untouchable Crook: Political Profile of CIA Director W. Casey,” Sovetskaya Rossiya, December 17, 1986, published as “Sovetskaya Rossiya Profiles CIA Director Casey,” in FBIS, FBIS-SOV-31-Dec-86, December 31, 1986, A2–A5.
37. Casey said this in his October 1986 speech at Ashland College. A Pravda article (which follows) said he made the claim in San Antonio, Texas as well.
38. V. Korionov, “Rejoinder: Just You Try!,” Pravda, May 22, 1985, 5, published as “Casey’s Speech in San Antonio Attacked in Pravda,” in FBIS, FBIS-24-MAY-85, May 24, 1985, A2.
39. Casey delivered this speech in October 1986. See Liedl, Scouting the Future, 36.
40. Derek Leebaert, The Fifty-Year Wound (Boston: Little, Brown, 2002), 503, 694n. Leebaert’s sources are Norm Bailey and Richard Perle.
41. Ibid., 524.
42. Quoted in Schweizer, Victory, xv.
43. Clark notes that Reagan “clearly saw that security issues and the economy were inextricably linked.” This was certainly true at home, but he also understood the link as it applied to the USSR. Reagan, said Clark, “pronounced this many times, both as it related to the Soviet Union and to ourselves.” Bill Clark, “President Reagan and the Wall,” Address to the Council of National Policy, San Francisco, California, March 2000, 3–5.
44. As Clark put it, Reagan “worked closely” with these men “to configure a securityminded economic strategy that would constrict financial and other forms of Western lifesupport being tapped by the Kremlin.” See Bailey, The Strategic Plan That Won the Cold War, ii.
45. Interviews with Roger Robinson, June 6 and 8, 2005.
46. On Reagan addressing this, see Reagan, “Interview With Julius Hunter of KMOXTV,” St. Louis, Missouri, July 22, 1982.
47. Interview with Cap Weinberger, October 10, 2002.
48. Interview with Gus W. Weiss, November 13, 2002.
49. The information in this section is taken from material provided to me by Weiss as well as my interviews with Weiss. Among the materials, I’ve relied primarily on an article titled, “Duping the Soviets: The Farewell Dossier,” published by Weiss in 1996 in a CIA journal called Studies in Intelligence. Weiss also provided me with a strange, poorly written and poorly organized forty-eight-page bound document titled, “The Farewell Dossier: Strategic Deception and Economic Warfare in the Cold War,” published by Weiss through the American Tradecraft Society, which Weiss told me was a kind of memoir, and which I did not rely upon. I did interviews with Weiss on November 13, 14, 17, 26, and 30, 2002 and on February 18, 2003 (among others), mainly through e-mail, and spoke to him in person at a function at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, DC in early November 2002. Information on the Farewell Dossier has since been published in a Washington Post article by David E. Hoffman and in books by Thomas Reed and Derek Leebaert. Like Weiss, Reed is a primary source. Reed was granted permission from the CIA to share his information. All nonfootnoted material in this section comes from the materials that Weiss shared with me and from my interviews with him.