76. Literary critic Vladimir Potapov quoted in Horvath, The Legacy, p. 1. Horvath tellingly describes the nature of the experience associated with reading the Gulag Archipelago. He quotes Natalya Eksler's recollections about the peregrinations of a copy of volume 2 that Andrei Amalrik gave her in 1976: “It was borrowed by friends, then returned, then borrowed for the friends of friends, and the book left home for longer and longer intervals before reappearing. Then it somehow vanished for an extended period. And since some friends wanted their children, who had come of age, to read it, we tried to call it back. After a while we were told: ‘Wait a little, please. It's in the Urals: let it circulate, since it might be the only copy there.' We waited. After a year, we tried again, and were informed: ‘The book is in the Baltics, there is an enormous queue, which they call the queue for The Book.' We waited another few years, and learned that it was now in the Ukraine” (p. 25).
77. For example, the coming of age of the dissident was celebrated at the Theatre Récamier in June 1977, when André Glucksmann and Michel Foucault organized a reception for French intellectuals and East European dissident exiles to protest Brezhnev's visit to Paris. In an interview, Foucault explained that “we thought that on the evening when Mr. Brezhnev is received with grand pomp by Mr. Giscard d'Estaing, other French people could receive other Russians who are their friends.” This hospitality marked a vast reversal in attitudes since Brezhnev's arrival in 1971, when hardly a murmur of criticism had been elicited by the decision of the French authorities to welcome the Soviet leader with a police round-up of prominent East European émigré intellectuals, who were banished to a Corsican hotel for the duration of the visit.” See Horvath, “'The Solzhenitsyn Effect,'” p. 902.
78. Horvath, The Legacy, p. 22.
79. Ibid., p. 24.
80. Vadim Medvedev, Central Committee secretary for ideology, quoted in Horvath, The Legacy, p. 6.
81. Tucker, Philosophy and Politics, p. 117.
82. Bo Strath, “Ideology and History,” Journal of Political Ideologies 11, no. 1 (February 2006): 23-42.
83. For the exact quotation, see V. Havel, “Šifra socialismus [Cipher Socialism]” (June 1988), DRS, pp. 202-4; Martin J. Matustik, “Havel and Habermas on Identity and Revolutions,” Praxis International 10, nos. 3-4 (October 1990-January 1991): 261-77.
84. Václav Havel, Letters to Olga (New York: Knopf, 1988), p. 145.
85. Matustik, “Havel and Habermas,” p. 269.
86. Václav Havel, “The Post-Communist Nightmare,” p. 48.
87. This statement belongs to L. Kołakowski and appears in his interview with G. Urban, in G. R. Urban, ed., Stalinism—Its Impact on Russia and the World (London: Maurice Temple Smith, 1982), p. 277.
88. Steven Lukes, “On the Moral Blindness of Communism,” Human Rights Review 2, no. 2 (January-March 2001): 113-24.
89. Václav Havel, “New Year Address,” East European Reporter 4, no.1 (Winter 1989-1990): 56-58.
90. I chose a counterpart to Umberto Eco's category for the extreme Right based on the noticeable communality of features between what he brands ur-Fascism and what I regard as ur-Leninism. If one took each characteristic of ur-Fascism pointed out by Eco, one could find a corresponding characteristic of ur-Leninism: the cult of tradition based on syncretism and the rejection of capitalist modernity (one can easily point to late 1930s and early 1950s Stalinism, to Ceaușescu's national Stalinism, to Honecker's Prussianism, etc.); the cult of action for action's sake (Leninism is fundamentally a mobilization-centered ideology abhorrent of intellectualism and what it considers to be petit-bourgeois culture); monolithic unity (“the party of a new type”); hatred of difference (homogenization of the social, i.e., “the society of non-antagonistic classes” or anticosmopolitanism); reliance on the middle class (Leninism as a social system was sustained through both the creation of a New Class and the transformation of social categories via cultural revolution); “obsession with a plot” (suffice to mention here the “21 Conditions” for the Third International and the ban on factions); antipacifism and the mentality of permanent warfare (read “the deepening of class struggle” and “the continuous revolution”); “contempt for the weak” (the project of the New Man); “selective populism” (one has only to think of, among many other possible examples, Gomułka's anti-Semitic campaign in Poland in March 1968); newspeak (read langue de bois). See Umberto Eco, “Ur-Fascism,” New York Review of Books, June 22, 1995; and Umberto Eco, Five Moral Pieces, trans. Alastair McEwen (New York: Harcourt, 2002).
91. Bradatan, “Philosophy and Martyrdom,” in Marx's Shadow, ed. Bradatan and Oushakine, p. 120.
92. Ulrich Klaus Preuss and Ferran Requejo Coll, eds., European Citizenship, Multiculturalism, and the State (Baden Baden: Nomos, 1998), p. 127.
93. Quoted in Paul Lawrence, Nationalism: History and Theory (New York: Pearson Education, 2005), p. 170.
94. See Ghia Nodia, “Rethinking Nationalism and Democracy in the Light of the Post-Communist Experience,” in National Identity as an Issue of Knowledge and Morality: Georgian Philosophical Studies, ed. N. V. Chavchavadze, Ghia Nodia, and Paul Peachey (Washington, D.C.: Paideia Press and the Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 1994), p. 54.
95. For a discussion of Bourdieu's concept of habitus in the context of the analysis of nationalism, see Paul Warren James, Globalism, Nationalism, Tribalism: Bringing Theory Back (London: Sage, 2006), pp. 55-57.
96. Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories of the Nation (London: Routledge, 1998).
97. Roger Griffin, “Introduction: God's Counterfeiters? Investigating the Triad of Fascism, Totalitarianism and (Political) Religion,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 5, no. 3 (Winter 2004): 305.
98. See Norman Manea, “Intellectuals and Social Change in Central and Eastern Europe,” Partisan Review, no. 4 (Fall 1992): 573-74.
99. For the politics of intolerance in Tudjman's Croatia, see Goran Vezic, “A Croatian Reichstag Triaclass="underline" The Case of Dalmatian Action,” Uncaptive Minds 7, no. 3 (Fall-Winter 1994): 17-24.
100. Furio Cerutti, “Can There Be a Supranational Identity?” Philosophy and Social Criticism 18, no. 2 (1992): 147-62.
101. See Jan-Werner Müller, Constitutional Patriotism (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007).
102. See S. Frederick Starr, ed., The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Roman Szporluk, ed., National Identity and Ethnicity in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1994).
103. Václav Havel, To the Castle and Back (New York: Knopf, 2007), p. 328.
104. Stephen Kotkin with a contribution by Jan T. Gross, Uncivil Society: 1989 and the Implosion of the Communist Establishment (New York: Modern Library, 2009), p. 116.
105. Jan Patoĉka quoted in Findlay, Caring for the Soul, p. 152.
106. Horvath, The Legacy, p. 19.
107. Applebaum, “Dead Souls.”
108. For an informative approach to contemporary efforts to resurrect Marxism, including the disconcerting “theological turn” inspired by the writing of Jacob Taubes on Paulinian eschatology, see Göran Therborn, From Marxism to Post-Marxism (London: Verso, 2008).