35. See Claus Offe, Varieties of Transition: The East European and East German Experience (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1997), esp. pp. 29-105.
36. See Ferenc Fehér, Agnes Heller, and György Markus, Dictatorship over Needs (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983).
37. Giuseppe di Palma, “Legitimation from the Top to Civil Society: Politico-Cultural Change in Eastern Europe,” World Politics 44, no. 1 (October 1991): 49-80. In the same issue, see Timur Kuran, “Now Out of Never: The Element of Surprise in the East European of 1989,” pp. 7-48. Kuran identifies Václav Havel and this author as among the very few commentators who “came close to predicting a major change” (p. 12).
38. Karen Dawisha, Eastern Europe, Gorbachev, and Reform: The Great Challenge (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); and Archie Brown, The Gorbachev Factor (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
39. Ralf Dahrendorf, Reflections on the Revolution in Europe (New York: Times Books, 1990), p. 111.
40. Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation. For post-Communist politics, see Padraic Kenney, The Burdens of Freedom: Eastern Europe since 1989 (London: Zed Books, 2006).
41. G. M. Tamás, “The Legacy of Dissent,” in Tismaneanu, The Revolutions of 1989, pp. 181-97.
42. Judt, Postwar, p. 695.
43. Alexander Yakovlev, The Fate of Marxism in Russia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1993), p. 165.
44. Kotkin, Uncivil Society, p. xvii.
45. Judt, Postwar, p. 563.
46. Tony Judt, “The Past Is Another Country,” pp. 163-66.
47. See A. James McAdams, Judging the Past in Unified Germany (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
48. For the turbulent experiences with decommunization, see Tina Rosenberg, The Haunted Land: Facing Europe's Ghost after Communism (New York: Random House, 1995); Noel Calhoun, Dilemmas of Justice in Eastern Europe's Democratic Transitions (New York: Palgrave, 2004); Brian Grodsky, The Costs of Justice: How New Leaders Respond to Previous Rights Abuses (Notre Dame, Ind.: Notre Dame University, 2010).
49. See Palma, “Legitimation from the Top to Civil Society,” 49-80; Eric Hobsbawm, “The New Threat to History,” New York Review of Books, December 16, 1993, pp. 62-64.
50. S. N. Eisenstadt, “The Breakdown of Communist Regimes,” Daedalus 121, no. 2 (Spring 1992): 35, included in Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1999.
51. Jack Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: Norton, 2000).
52. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, “The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism,” Journal of Democracy 13, no. 2 (April 2002): 51-65. For the other two terms mentioned, see Guillermo O'Donnell, “Delegative Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 5 (January 1994): 55-69; and Fareed Zakaria, “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy,” Foreign Affairs 76 (November-December 1997): 22-41. Milada Anna Vachudova discusses the relevance of the three concepts for the process of democratization in Central and Eastern Europe in Democracy, Leverage, and Integration after Communism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
53. Karen Dawisha, “Electocracies and the Hobbesian Fishbowl of Postcommunist Politics,” in Between Past and Future, ed. Antohi and Tismaneanu, pp. 291-305. Also see the special issue of East European Politics and Societies 13, no. 2 (Spring 1999), especially pieces by Valerie Bunce, Daniel Chirot, Grzegorz Ekiert, Gail Kligman, and Katherine Verdery.
54. See Agnes Heller and Ferenc Fehér, The Postmodern Political Condition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), and The Grandeur and Twilight of Radical Universalism; Kołakowski's Modernity on Endless Trial (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990). These philosophers have long since noticed the dissolution of the “redemptive paradigms” and the rise of the alternative, parallel discourses, although they did not anticipate the ongoing rise of the narratives of hatred and revenge.
55. See Julia Kristeva, Nations without Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 68-69.
56. Grzegorz Ekiert and Stephen E. Hanson, Capitalism and Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe: Assessing the Legacy of Communist Rule (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Recent contributions on the legacy approach focusing upon role of the burden of the past in post-Communist development: Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik, Rebellious Civil Society (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999); Anna Grzymała-Busse, Redeeming the Communist Past: The Regeneration of Communist Successor Parties in East Central Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Marc Morjé Howard, The Weakness of Civil Society in Postcommunist Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
57. See Václav Havel, “Post-Communist Nightmare,” New York Review of Books, May 27, 1993, p. 8.
58. See John Rawls' discussion of criteria for assessing civic freedom and the idea of a well-ordered society in Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 30-40.
59. Quoted in Michal Cichy, “Requiem for the Moderate Revolutionist,” East European Politics and Societies 10, no. 1 (Winter 1996): 145.
60. Timothy Garton Ash, “Trials, Purges and History Lessons: Treating a Difficult Past in Post-Communist Europe,” in Memory and Power in Post-War Europe, ed. Müller, p. 277. The activity of a Truth Commission represents “nonjudicial truth-seeking as a transitional justice tool” (Priscilla Hayner). It can therefore set the stage for future prospects for justice. See Priscilla B. Hayner, Unspeakable Truths: Facing the Challenge of Truth Commissions (New York: Routledge, 2002).
61. For seminal contributions to this discussion, see Jerzy Szacki, Liberalism after Communism (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995); Ronald Dworkin et al., From Liberal Values to Democratic Transition: Essays in Honor of János Kis (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2004); János Kis, Politics as a Moral Problem (New York and Budapest: Central European University Press, 2008).
62. See the commentary by Vladimir Tismaneanu and Paul-Dragoș Aligică, “Romania's Parliamentary Putsch,” Wall Street Journal (Europe), April 20, 2007. On May 19, 2007, Băsescu overwhelmingly won in a national referendum (74.5 percent voted against his impeachment).
63. This “synchronization” was the thrust of interwar Romanian liberal theorist Eugen Lovinescu's approach to the country's modernization.
64. Karen Dawisha, “Communism as a Lived System of Ideas in Contemporary Russia,” East European Politics and Societies 19, no. 3 (2005): 46393. Directly related to Dawisha's insight is the problem of nostalgia for the Communist past. For example, Alexei Yurchak details the mechanisms of socialization in the late years of the Soviet Union, emphasizing the depth of integration in the socialist milieu despite the latter's outwardly seemingly incremental nature. See Alexei Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, until It Was No More: The Last Soviet Generation (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006).