"We have an unapproved flight going out to a tanker in international waters, Mr. President. The tanker is Liberian-registered but is actually on charter to Tecuno Gas and Oil. Its next stop was Mexico, Mr. President. We asked Governor Quintana's people, and they said they would have the vessel examined when it docked."
"And?" said the President.
"Nothing," said the FBI Director. A question hovered unspoken.
PresidentGeorgieFalls had campaigned long and hard for the North American Free Trade Agreement. It was one issue that he and Security Advisor Vernon agreed on spontaneously. Mexico might not be an American-style democracy, but it was a fast-evolving nation of 87 million people and it was not in the United States' interest to treat them as some kind of banana republic.
The sovereignty and dignity of Mexico had to be respected. It was in that spirit that he had issued National Security Executive Order FA/128 after that disastrous special-operations mission against the so-called Gulf Drug Cartel. U.S. forces were explicitly forbidden to mount any operation – covert or otherwise – that had not been pre-agreed with the Mexican government. Fundamentally, the Mexicans would have to put their own house in order. It was, after all, their house.
Nonetheless.
"Mr. President," said Slade. "The American people are exceedingly disturbed by our apparent inability to deal satisfactorily with these terrorists. We have to do something."
The President nodded gloomily. He did not need to be reminded of the decrease in his popularity. When he had been a TV anchor he had lived and died by his rating. He read the latest polls before he listened to his CIA-prepared daily intelligence briefing. They were not good.
"What exactly do you propose, Vernon?"
"Perhaps we don't know the terrorist's base, Mr. President," said Slade, "but we don know where some of them trained. Accordingly, I recommend military action against known fundamentalist targets. It will send a clear message and it will release much of this voter frustration. It will also demonstrate the decisiveness of this administration. Questions are being asked at present about our apparent lack of resolve."
Several of the group looked uncomfortable, while others concealed their feelings. Either way, there was a general air of embarrassment in the room. The headline above the morning's Washington Post editorial was fresh in their minds. "Falling Down on the Job Again" was the precursor of a piece that had not been kind.
The presidency of GeorgieFalls was in deep trouble. The National Security Advisor was right. Some kind of offensive against these people was essential.
"We know where many of these people train," said the Deputy Director of the CIA. "We know the countries and we know the locations of the individual camps. We have all the intelligence we need to strike tomorrow, from satellite photographs to agents-in-place. But there are always other political considerations which cancel out these advantages. Iran, Libya, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, for instance. All of these places actively support terrorists and actions specifically directed against the United States. And there are more countries I could name, starting with Sudan. It's a long list."
"We can't hit Iran," said the Secretary of State, "because we want to the moderates to succeed and we do not want public opinion to be polarized against this country. We have already hit Libya, and it may well have cost us Pan Am 103. We're trying to bring Syria into the Middle East peace process, and progress is encouraging. As to Iraq, here we have a problem with international world opinion, and we need even them as a counterbalance to Iran."
"Which leaves Lebanon," said Vernon V. Slade. "They have got fundamentalist training camps. No one gives a fuck about Lebanon."
"It is within both Israel's and Syria's sphere of influence," said the Secretary of State, "and France, the ex-colonial power, still regards itself as a player. In contrast, Israel would be all too happy if we attacked the camps, but they will expect to be informed first. Further, the U.N. are in South Lebanon in some strength and they have forces near potential targets. There are Irish and Scandinavian troops there, among others. It is not that simple."
Whoever had thought of invading Grenada had been a positive genius, reflected PresidentGeorgieFalls. All that flexing of military muscle against an enemy who practically did not exist and a country that no one had heard of.
The debate continued acrimoniously for another forty-five minutes. Finally, the voices petered out and all heads turned toward the President.
"It is your call, Mr. President," said Vernon V. Slade.
"Give us a clear mission," Mr. President," said the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, "and I promise you that the United States Armed Forces can do the job."
We are the most powerful nation on earth, thought the Deputy Director of the CIA, but we have rendered ourselves impotent.
"Mr. Deputy Director," said the President. "I noticed a decided reaction from you when the Mexican state of Tecuno and Governor Diego Quintana was mentioned."
"It's a complex situation, Mr. President," said Martin uncomfortably.
"That's why we have the CIA," said the President unkindly. "You are there to help us simple folks unravel the knots."
"Can of worms in this case, Mr. President," said Martin. His conversation with Kilmara was still on his mind. He decided to go for it. "Frankly, what we think and what the administration wants are at loggerheads. You want harmony with Mexico, and meanwhile some bad people based in Tecuno are fucking with us."
"You have proof?" said the President. "Clear proof that would justify an overt intervention, or at least an approach to the Mexican government?"
"No, sir," said Martin. "And unfortunately Governor Quintana is part of the Mexican government. He is secretary of the PRI."
"You think Tecuno is a haven for these people?" said the President.
"That's the way it looks," said Martin.
"Well, if we can't go in the front door," said the President, "maybe there's a window we can sneak through. Any ideas, Mr. Martin?"
"There's the Irishman called Hugo Fitzduane," said Martin. "The man whose wife was kidnapped."
"Does he have any connection with this Task Force on Terrorism?" said the President, "and that terrible business in the FarnsworthBuilding?"
"Yes, sir," said the Deputy Director.
"He seems to have a nose for trouble," said the President. "I take it you are suggesting we help him point it."
"Unofficially, Mr. President."
"And if he brings back proof," said the President.
"We go in and we take them out," said General Frampton. "A maximum effort."
"Just like that, General?" said the President.
"Just like that, sir," said General Frampton. "I was in Fayetteville just after the bombing. I stood in the blood.
"This is war, sir, and we've got to defend ourselves."
"Why did we invade Haiti," said the FBI Director as they left the meeting. "I've never quite understood."
"For the same underlying reason that terrorists are active against this country," said the Deputy Director of the CIA.
"I don't understand," said the FBI Director.
"Because we could," said William Martin. "Because they can."
Book Two
Counterterror
10
The Humvee ground its way over the dirt road of Maryland's Aberdeen Proving Grounds.
If you wanted to test and lobby for a weapon, this was the place to be. It was far from the only place to prove out instruments of death and destruction, but it was conveniently near Washington, D.C.
The vehicle crashed into yet another pothole, and its massive suspension took the imposition in its stride. Kilmara's back was not so tolerant. General Shane Kilmara was not overly fond of the U.S. Army's replacement for the jeep. He considered it too slow, too heavy, too noisy, too hard to maintain, and far too uncomfortable at his stage in life – but since it was on loan from the U.S. Army complete with driver, he was not complaining.