Wai-Leis was in his late seventies. Though only five-foot-six inches tall, he carried himself like a much taller man. His erect posture came from a lifetime in the Chinese military. His hair was snow white and his hands liver-spotted, but other than that he appeared to be just reaching age sixty. The orbit of one of his eyes sat slightly lower in his face than the other, making one eyelid appear longer, and his teeth were showing the wear of seven decades of use. Still, Wai-Leis was an undeniably handsome man. He was a millionaire many times over, the result of his secret interest in a Chinese weapons firm. And he remained quite active, still managing to visit his mistress once a week. His friendship with the prime minister spanned five decades.
"Like the days when we began," the prime minister noted.
"A much better time," Wai-Leis agreed.
War was on the minds of the leaders of China. In the last few years their quest toward world-power status had progressed quickly. China had amassed an enviable nuclear arsenal, along with the missiles to launch a strike far outside their own borders. The country had moved to assemble a blue-water navy at a blistering pace. In addition, the influence they enjoyed across Asia was at an all-time high.
These days, when China spoke, Washington listened carefully.
"What do you suppose will happen to Hong Kong once we institute our plan?" the prime minister said casually to Wai-Leis.
"The Americans will call for a trade embargo, but little else will happen," Wai-Leis noted.
"We can withstand that," the prime minister said. "It has proven not to work with both Cuba and Iraq."
When the Chinese had assumed control of Hong Kong in 1997, their economy soared. The first few years saw higher stock market and real estate prices, but the climb had reversed in the fall of 1998 and the Chinese economy was now slowed down by recession.
But even with the worldwide economic slump, the gross national product of China had recently surpassed Japan's and was now second only to that of the United States. This seemingly backward country, a place where its citizens still utilized rickshaws and wagon carts, had, in a few short years, become the second-largest holder of United States Treasury bonds.
With 5 percent of China s GNP devoted to defense spending, the same amount as in the United States, its military was being funded with billions. New high-tech weapons were being amassed at an alarming rate. What China couldn't buy from German or French manufacturers they tried to steal. Whatever was stolen they copied, then built in their own factories. China's arsenal of tanks was now the size of Iraq's in 1991. The Chinese air force now rivaled that of Great Britain.
"Why don't we just use our missiles on Taiwan?" the prime minister asked.
"When I was a young man my first battles for our army were fighting the followers of Chiang Kai-shek. We fought village to village, man to man. We chased him and his followers across the sea to Formosa. Now we should cross the sea and bring Formosa back."
The prime minister smiled. "You are one of the few who still refers to Taiwan as Formosa."
"It shall soon be Formosa again," Wai-Leis said as he puffed on a Chinese cigarette. As China rushed toward modernization it rapidly increased its imports of oil. Electric lights were showing up increasingly in the most remote villages, with most of the power coming from oil-burning generators. Diesel trains moved goods and people to and from markets. A massive growth in air transportation, as planes and airfields brought the country closer together, used more fuel. More and more frequently, the citizens of China looked forward to owning a motorized vehicle, even if it was only a small motor scooter. And that required oil.
Although hydroelectric power was a priority for the Chinese leaders, it took oil to fuel the machines to build the dams. Even then, they were short of suitable rivers near population centers. For the foreseeable future they needed to find or import oil, and that required hard currency.
"Once we reunite with Taiwan we can concentrate on our oil problem," the prime minister said.
"It will be child's play if you can give me the super-weapon you have spoke of," WaiLeis said grandly. "With the Soviet Union fractured and everyone in fear of a war between India and Pakistan, we can sweep through Asia like the Japanese before World War II."
The reportedly vast oil reserves that had been located in the Tarim Basin in western China had been greatly touted, but as yet little oil had been pumped. As a result, the last few years had seen China assume a hostile posture in the Far East. First they declared the South China Sea under their domain. The second move for China was to dispute the ownership of the Spratly Islands. Rich oil reserves had been discovered just offshore of this disputed area, and Vietnam, which claimed the area, was bracing for a showdown. While the Spratley Islands were a prize the Chinese most definitely sought, it was considered by the leaders of China to be the second prize. First the Chinese leaders wanted to reunite Taiwan with the mainland.
"Do not become too cocky, my good friend," the prime minister noted.
"And why is that, esteemed prime minister?"
"Once we have the superweapon, who will need soldiers?" Less than ten minutes after General Wai-Leis's departure, the Chinese prime minister was shaking his head in disgust as he read the report of Choi's escape. The report had been prepared and delivered by Sun Tao, head of Chinas secret police. The prime minister finished reading the report then stared at Tao but said nothing. Tao glanced out the window onto Changan Avenue East before speaking.
"Because of his failure to capture Choi we have taken Hu Jimn's family into custody. What do you recommend we do with them?" Tao finally asked.
The prime minister avoided the question. He disliked the messy parts of his job, preferring that those below him make decisions pertaining to life and death.
"How close was Choi to solving the theory for us?" the prime minister asked slowly.
"I'm not a scientist, sir, but the reports I received indicate that a crucial section of the theory was beyond even Choi's reach. The information that was stolen from the U.S. Commerce Department was valuable, but from the start our scientists thought it was incomplete. Once again, with or without Choi, they are at a standstill."
"This was a long shot to begin with. I had my doubts from the first time our people inside the United States advanced the idea over a year ago."
"According to the intelligence we received we have every reason to believe the theory was completed," Tao noted.
"Have we exhausted all the research that is available on Einstein?"
"Recently we learned Einstein sent a telegram to Niels Bohr, a fellow physicist in Denmark, right around the time he went into the hospital for the last time," Tao said.
"Did we recover a copy of the telegram?" the prime minister asked.
"No copy was found by our spies in Denmark," Tao noted. "However, at that time the American FBI was watching Einstein's every move. The FBI is notorious for stealing telegrams. If it was close to the time Einstein died, who would notice if it was never delivered?"
"Hm … what else have we uncovered?" the prime minister asked.
"We have just learned of a series of personal diaries that were recently discovered and stored in the library at Princeton University," Tao said quietly.
"Good — order Jimn to fly there and steal them. Perhaps they hold the key to this puzzle. If Jimn is successful, we will release his family."
"I already have men inside the United States that could do a much better job, sir," Tao said quietly.
"Jimn is an old friend of mine, he must be allowed to redeem himself," the prime minister noted. "Still, just to be safe have another team standing by in case he fails."
"Very good, sir."
"One last thing, Tao," the prime minister said as Tao was walking toward the door.