[Footnote 75: [Greek: Ek pleonos].] Sc. [Greek: diastêmatos]: they began to flee when the Greeks were at a still greater distance than before.]
[Footnote 76: [Greek: Mechri kômês tinos].] This is generally supposed to have been Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with Imséy'ab, a place 36 miles north of Babylon.]
[Footnote 77: The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were left.]
[Footnote 78: [Greek: Epi peltês epi xylou].] So stands the passage in Dindorf's text; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider [Greek: epi xylou] to be a mere interpretation of [Greek: epi peltês], that has crept by some accident into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. [Greek: Peltê] is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as [Greek: dory] or [Greek: lonchê]: and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 82, [Greek: epi tês peltês aetos]. In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been a golden eagle, [Greek: epi doratos makrou anatetamenos]. [Greek: Peltê] accordingly being taken in this sense, all is clear, and [Greek: epi xylou] is superfluous. Kühner gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, [Greek: epi peltês epi xystou], who, taking [Greek: peltê] in the sense of a shield, supposed that the eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shield would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid of it. Yet to take [Greek: peltê] in the sense of a spear, unusual in Xenophon, is not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairly admit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, [Greek: epi paltou].]
[Footnote 79: [Greek: Anatetamenon].] This word is generally understood to signify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. sub Signa Militaria.]
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
The Greeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Ariæus
resolves to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus,
who incites him to make an attempt on the throne of Persia.
Artaxerxes sends a message to the Greeks; their reply.
1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when he undertook his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, what occurred in his march up the country, how the battle took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how the Greeks returned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that they were completely victorious, and that Cyrus was still alive, has been related in the preceding book.
2. When it was day, the generals met together, and expressed their surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person to give directions how they should act, nor had made his appearance himself. It seemed best to them, therefore, to pack up what baggage they had, and, arming themselves, to march forward till they could effect a junction with Cyrus. 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, (who was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedæmonian,) and with him Glus, the son of Tamos, who told them that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariæus, having fled, was, with the rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they started the day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks that day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he said, he should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come.
4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other Greeks, on learning it from them,[80] were grievously afflicted; and Clearchus spoke thus: "Would that Cyrus were still alive; but since he is no more, carry back word to Ariæus, that we at least are victorious over the king, and that, as you see, no enemy any longer offers us battle; and if you had not come, we should have marched against the king; and we promise Ariæus that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the royal throne: for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule." 5. Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with them Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian, and Menon the Thessalian; for Menon himself desired to go, as he was connected with Ariæus by ties of friendship and hospitality.
6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited where he was; and the troops supplied themselves with food, as well as they could, from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, slaughtering their oxen and asses; and, going a little way in front of the line, to the place where the battle was fought, they collected and used as fuel, not only the arrows, which lay in great quantities, and which the Greeks had compelled the deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wicker shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians; and there were also many other light shields, and waggons emptied of their contents[81] to be taken away; using all which materials to cook the meat, they appeased their hunger for that day.
7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon,[82] when some heralds arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of them Barbarians, except one, a Greek named Phalinus, who chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and was highly esteemed by him, for he had pretensions to skill in the arrangement of troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These persons having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders of the Greeks, told them, "that the king, since he had gained the victory and slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver up their arms, and go to the gates of the king,[83] and try to obtain, if they could, some favour from him." 9. Thus spoke the king's heralds; and the Greeks heard them with no small concern: but Clearchus only said, "that it was not the part of conquerors to deliver up their arms; but," he continued, "do you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as you think most honourable and proper; and I will return immediately;" for one of the attendants just then called him away to inspect the entrails which had been taken out of the victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice. 10. Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that "they would die before they would deliver up their arms." "For my part," said Proxenus the Theban, "I wonder, Phalinus, whether it is as conqueror that the king asks for our arms, or as gifts in friendship; for if as conqueror, why should he ask for them at all, and not rather come and take them? But if he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion, let him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him in this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king considers himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. For who is there now that disputes the sovereignty with him? And he also looks upon yourselves as his captives, having you here in the middle of his dominions, and enclosed within impassable rivers; and being able to lead such multitudes against you, as, though he gave them into your power, it would be impossible for you to destroy."
12. After him, Theopompus,[84] an Athenian, spoke thus: "O Phalinus, we have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, except our arms and our valour. While we retain our arms, we may hope to profit by our valour; but if we were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also of our lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the only things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, we will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. On hearing him speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher, young man, and express yourself not without grace; but be assured that you are out of your senses if you imagine that your valour will prove victorious over the might of the king." 14. But it was reported that certain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that they had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend; and that whether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in an expedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it.