“I see. I have no desire whatever to enlist your sympathy, I have no need of it, but do you know why I ordered the execution of your friend Landers so promptly?”
Hewlitt saw the trap: if he gave any indication that he was aware of Landers’ underground activities he would condemn himself with the same breath. He allowed a suggestion of suppressed rage to show momentarily on his face. “I have no idea whatsoever. Furthermore, he was a very outstanding man. You destroyed.
He stopped as though he were incapable of going on.
Zalinsky put his fingers together. “I told you that he was a fool — that was true. Like Don Quixote he wanted to fight the world when he was defeated hopelessly before he began. But he was a soldier who would not surrender; you should have had more of them.”
“And for this you ordered him shot,” Hewlitt said. He was totally unafraid now. When Zalinsky spoke his own language some of his crudity disappeared and he gave ample evidence of being an educated man. Hewlitt realized fully that he spoke Zalinsky’s language far better than Zalinsky spoke his.
“That is correct,” Zalinsky continued. “You will recall that I told you you were children at this game; you should take note of that fact. We became aware of the fact that Landers, your friend, was engaged in a reckless attempt to annoy us against our specific warnings to the contrary. My security people, who are not as stupid as their sometimes commonplace faces might suggest, reported this to me and also to their headquarters at home. Major Landers was inconclusively questioned after which I ordered his immediate execution. These instructions were carried out approximately one hour before I received orders to ship him back at once under close guard for complete interrogation in my country. The outcome would have been the same, but if you possess the intelligence that I suspect that you do, you will see that I spared him a great deal. A very great deal; many men would have prayed to God, if they had one, to be allowed to shoot themselves rather than to undergo professional interrogation such as we are able to administer.”
Hewlitt’s legs began to shake slightly; he had to make a massive effort to control them.
“Now to the business at hand,” Zalinsky went on. “I wish to have you arrange for me what you call a press conference for ten o’clock tomorrow morning. It is absolutely your responsibility that only the people who should be there are admitted. I will permit no questions. All personnel who come, male or female, will be searched; if any attempt is made on my life by any member of the press group, they will all pay equally for that offense. These facts you will make clear in advance.”
“Yes, Mr. Zalinsky,” Hewlitt said.
“Good. I trust you enjoy the company of Miss Barbara Stone-ham.”
“Very much so.” As far as he knew, he did not turn a hair.
“Then that will be all. Hereafter, when possible, we will speak in English. I require the added practice.”
“Yes, Mr. Zalinsky.” He rose and left the room.
Although it was not normally his job, Hewlitt arranged the press conference as he had been directed with the aid of Cedric Culp, who, up until a few weeks previously, had been the President’s press secretary. Three members of the regular White House corps, all male, refused to attend when the requirement of submitting to a personal search was made known to them. Of those who did come, many had their first direct contact with the wooden-faced, hard-handed security personnel whom Zalinsky had brought with him. Sharp resentment tightened the atmosphere; no one regarded it as a joke.
Several minutes before the scheduled time the conference room was already well filled and strangely still. The usual little conversational groups did not form, and there was none of the normal stir which had always preceded even the most important of the President’s meetings with the press. Because he had been directed to call this conference, Hewlitt had taken advantage of the implied permission to be there himself. As he stood to one side now he thought that it was like a jury in a courtroom, except that this time the roles were reversed and those present were here to listen to the pronouncement of their own fates.
Three minutes late Zalinsky made his appearance. He entered without any pretext of formality, his face set in a stiff pattern which denied the least hint of cordiality. In his left hand he carried a sheaf of papers. With his slightly awkward walk he crossed to the podium which had been set up for him. The presidential seal had, of course, been removed, so that only the bare wood faced those who were seated before him. Zalinsky’s suit was the better of the two Hewlitt had seen, but it had not been pressed for the occasion. As he took his place before the microphones the room remained as it had been — almost totally quiet.
He surveyed his audience without any display of emotion, then he picked up the first sheet of the papers he had brought in and began to read.
“My name is Zalinsky. If at any time you have occasion to speak to me, you will address me as ‘Mr. Zalinsky’ and in no other manner. I am here to administer this country along the lines of policy which was decided from long ago. I will now explain to you what some of this policy is.”
He stopped and took a drink of water. Hewlitt noted it carefully; it could be an indication of nervousness before an audience and he was meticulously collecting every possible weakness of the man that he could detect. The words that Zalinsky had just delivered were obviously not his own, a fact which he also considered worth cataloguing.
“The conquest of your country,” Zalinsky continued to read, “was begun several years ago. Into this place we sent our agents, and they in turn were able to get many of your people to act for us. Some knew it and many did not. While you argued we planned and helped you to argue more. Always we planned for surprise. Our propaganda over the whole world was very effective; yours was pitiful.”
He looked around the room after that, but got no reaction whatever.
“In your newspapers your cartoon people drew the pictures we wanted — not always, but often enough to be of great value to us. We made slogans: you laughed at slogans, but on your Madison Avenue you hired people to make slogans for you about cigarettes and other things. Your slogans sold more cigarettes, our slogans conquered your country. So do not try to make slogans against us — we are better at it than you are.
“It is important that I tell you now something that was not made public two years ago because at that time it had not happened. You had a big Air Force with many planes. But they were getting old and you needed new ones. With our agents we learned that your McDonnell Douglas company had a very good design; we are building it now. Also your Boeing company made a good design. But you did not buy these planes because a Mr. Seymour Brown also had an airplane which was a very poor design, but he had much influence. With great force of pressure he influenced your Congress, and because we knew that it was a very bad plane, we were glad to help. I shall not tell you to whom he paid money, but to many other people he gave gifts, arranged things, supplied very loving girl friends. Of lobby people he had many with also much money to spend. Because of this you bought his airplane and he made a great deal of money in your Wall Street.”
Hewlitt was not sure, but he thought he detected a possible hesitation before Zalinsky continued.
“I now announce for you certain policies which become fact immediately. You will abide by them; if you do not, we will not trouble with you, you will be removed permanently. This has already begun to happen; some of you know this. It will surprise you that we do not intend to ruin your country; instead we intend to, and will, improve it greatly. You will be much happier that we have come. Not all of you, but most.
“You are each to continue the work you do until directed otherwise. You will not strike. We will shortly decide the payment wage for each job, and that you will receive. From this you will pay no income tax, as that is a capitalist invention against the masses. We will take taxes, yes "but in different ways.