“Some other things,” he told the people around the table. “We have had some intelligence input from Europe that, in the main, tends to refute Rostovitch’s claim that Magsaysay has been sunk. Part of it is reverse English — simply the fact that if they had done it, they would have trumpeted about it more loudly than they have. Hewlitt, the White House interpreter, is in here now and both Ted Pappas and Walt have interviewed him. Ted, what did you think?” Major Pappas was ready as usual. “He’s nobody’s fool; based on what he told me, and he wasn’t boasting in any way, I’m inclined to believe that he did outmaneuver Rostovitch at their one meeting. At least he didn’t panic and blow his top, and that in itself is notable. One other thing: Rostovitch definitely told him, according to his story, that the high diver was on board Magsaysay. In other words, he was still unaware that she put in at Wainwright or that Walt was back on the job with us. So he missed one trick at least.” “Did you get anything else from the interpreter?” General Gifford asked.
“I liked his candor and the way he handled himself. I’m inclined to think he’s pretty good — for an amateur.”
“We might make a pro out of him if we need to,” Colonel Prichard said. “I have a thought in the back of my mind and if it works out, he could be very useful.”
“I suspect that I have the same idea,” the admiral said, “but we don’t have the time to go into it now. What I want next is to grease the machinery for a maximum feedback on tonight’s broadcast. The more we know how well it goes over, the better we’ll be able to set up the next moves.”
Ed Higbee responded to that. “We’ve already got a very good net spread. I should be able to start giving you reactions minutes after it’s over. There are a lot of good newspapermen in this country, and many of them are with us. They’ll get the story.”
“Fine,” the admiral concluded. “We might as well catch some rest, because it’s going to be a busy night.”
The air-raid sirens that had been quietly hooked up at a hundred different control points began to sound at eleven minutes after ten, Eastern Standard Time. They did not all come on at the same time, because there was no need for a national hookup and establishing one would have entailed enormous difficulties. By individual timing they all responded within a time frame of thirty seconds, which was more than satisfactory as far as the plans that Ed Higbee had laid were concerned. By the hundreds of thousands, by the millions, Americans throughout the country turned on their radios and TV sets to find out what was going on. On many of the radio stations they were told to tune the proper channels on TV; the coverage was far from complete, but it was wide enough to insure the fact that the whole country would know what had happened before the night was over.
On the selected channels the regular programming disappeared, often in mid-sentence. It was a considerable technical achievement that the tubes remain blank for only a few seconds before an off-screen voice cut in. “We interrupt this program to bring you a special news broadcast.” Those most potent of all words in broadcasting guaranteed attention; most of the persons who heard them thought that it was the enemy talking, but they listened to find out what new disaster was about to befall them.
The first surprise came when the unseen announcer followed with, “Speaking for the government of the United States, Senator Solomon Fitzhugh.” Two seconds later the image of the white-haired legislator came onto millions of screens.
He looked into the camera and spoke. “My fellow Americans, I have news for you this evening of the greatest importance; I have been chosen to bring it to you because my sponsors feel that you will know my face and my voice.”
Hundreds of occupying enemy personnel heard those words and assumed that the renowned peacemaker was once again allowing himself to be used. They knew the importance of propaganda and their own mastery of it; where they were directly concerned, they saw to it that the show remained on the air.
“Some months ago,” Fitzhugh continued, “the United States of America was overcome by a superior force. Superior in numbers, in the timing of its operations, and in the degree of surprise with which it struck. The President capitulated, since the outcome was inevitable, in order that the loss of life and property could be kept to a minimum. I genuinely believe that tens of thousands of you are alive to hear me now because of that decision.”
The senator appeared to glance about him for a moment, which was one of his familiar histrionic tricks, then he looked again steadily from the tube. “Our surrender was not complete, however.
Actually we did not surrender as such; hostilities could be resumed at any time. Now they have been.”
Those words caught his audience and guaranteed that the attention being given to him was at a maximum.
“Some time before the war broke out, our government established a supersecret organization headed by the most competent and dedicated people that the President could find. The purpose of this organization, which was code-named Thomas Jefferson, was to provide a basis of resistance in the event that this nation were to be overthrown or occupied by force. It has been continuously active since that tragic event did take place.
“A few weeks ago it arranged to seize back from the enemy a completely armed and equipped ballistic missile nuclear submarine; this extremely potent weapon is now at sea in the hands of the United States Navy. It is carrying more than one hundred and sixty nuclear warheads and is capable of attacking any target of military importance anywhere in the world. The power of this single submarine is overwhelming. It can completely erase almost any nation on earth.
“At present the United States government, as represented by the Thomas Jefferson organization, has no intention of ordering this submarine to fire, for such an action would mean a fearful loss of life. But, on behalf of the President, whose spokesman I now am, I am authorized to say that this ship will fire, against the homeland of our enemies, unless certain conditions are met. Here they are: “There shall be a gradual withdrawal of the occupying forces now in this country; they shall begin leaving as soon as practical and shall return home at approximately the same rate that they came over. Those who may wish to seek political asylum here will be given consideration.
“Through orderly process, and without bloodshed, the government of the United States shall be returned to the people. After this has been accomplished, we will be prepared to enter into negotiations with our former enemies to establish a new era of peaceful understanding and mutual cooperation. We pledge ourselves to extract no reprisals. Let this conflict be resolved between intelligent people who have no wish to destroy each other. We now have the power to carry out such destruction, but we have no desire to use it.
“It is fearful to think that in a matter of minutes we could wipe out almost every significant military facility that our present enemies possess and millions of people at the same time. We could lay waste to their entire country with nuclear salvos that would deliver ten or more separate warheads at virtually the same moment. Some might be stopped, but some surely would get through. And with each such salvo, the resulting destruction would be overwhelming, the loss of life staggering. This force we pray to God we will not have to use. But if the terms I have been directed to spell out are not met, then use it we will until they are. Thank you and goodnight.”