Captain Jamie MacLellan, USN, was ushered into the Oval Office. The President greeted him cordially and bade him be seated. He then took a few moments fitting a new cigarette into his slim cigarette holder before lighting it and drawing on it contentedly.
MacLellan was forty one years old. He had joined the US Navy immediately after finishing Harvard, where he had majored in economics and also studied European history. He had been snapped up by the Office of Naval Intelligence, (ONI), once he finished university. He spoke German, French, Italian and Spanish fluently, and Russian badly.
President Franklin D Roosevelt was something of an old family friend, having been at Harvard with his father Daniel, and the two of them had stayed in contact ever since. It was Daniel MacLellan who had introduced Jamie to the President the previous year. They had met on several occasions since then and Roosevelt had been singularly impressed with Jamie’s exceptionally keen and unique insight into politics, and analysis of world affairs. He had the ability to see through the nonsense and hype and accurately assess the situation.
“Well, Jamie, this European business seems to have worked out well in the end. Your hard work paid off. You have done a fine job and I give you my sincere thanks.”
A few months earlier the President had arranged for the temporary secondment of Jamie to the White House. There he had been tasked to give a fresh appraisal of the situation in Europe for the President. A new pair of eyes looking at the conflict.
He had only just finished that particular project when Roosevelt called him into his office and told him about tentative peace feelers from the Germans for the British. He was asked what his thoughts on them were. As a result of that discussion, Jamie had been given the delicate mission of ensuring the peace talks took place, and that Germany offered reasonable and honourable terms.
Jamie’s frantic daily scurrying between the German, Swiss, and Portuguese embassies, as well as their own State department and the Oval Office, had played a considerable part in producing the desired result.
Now the President wanted to use his abilities again.
“I have a new job for you. I want you to be the new Military Attaché in our Embassy in Berlin. But I also want you to be my eyes and ears in Europe. I need to know what they are thinking. Your knack of peering at something and finding the bottom line is second to none.
The European War may be over but the communist menace is still there. There is disarray in Europe right now. We don’t want comrade Stalin to get any ideas.
You are the man I trust to let me know what is going on.
This will be on top of the normal Attaché duties. Just send me a personal report of your thoughts once a month or so. More often if you feel it is needed. Strictly between you and me. No need to go through official channels.
Will you do this for me, Jamie?”
“Of course, Mister President. When do you want me to start?”
“yesterday.”
“I will get right on to it, sir.”
Two days later MacLellan was on his way to Berlin.
CHAPTER TWO - CONCILIATION
At the end of the European war in June 1940, Germany was in control of a huge swathe of Western Europe, with a total population of one hundred and sixty million. Of this number, ninety million were German, if one included the Austrians, and the Czechs and Slovaks of the now non-existent Czechoslovakia, who were henceforth considered to be German citizens.
The other seventy million under Germany’s sway were citizens of the occupied countries.
To administer and supervise this vast area and populace was no simple undertaking. This task was further complicated by the previously imposed Nazi ideology and policies which had caused some distortions and introduced bad practices throughout the region.
The Military Council that governed Germany after the demise of Hitler, had lost no time in transforming itself into a Governing Council which included civilian members selected for their expertise. Their ministries were housed in the new Reich Chancellery built on Hitler’s orders and only finished by Albert Speer the previous year. This building would be the permanent home of Germany’s Government, even after the old Imperial Reichstag building was renovated following a mysterious fire some years earlier. The Reichstag would be used only for ceremonial occasions.
The first meeting of the Council had been held one week after Hitler’s funeral. The previous day Goering had broadcast the composition and tasks of the Council to the German people. His message was one of supreme confidence in the new regime and reassurance that the German people could look towards a secure and prosperous future.
One of Goering’s conditions for helping with the elimination of Hitler was that he would succeed him as the leader of Germany. This was refused outright by von Brauchitsch. With great reluctance on both sides a compromise was reached. Goering would have the title of President of the Governing Council, and would be their nominated spokesman, but he would have no real power. He would have one vote in the council, the same as the other members.
Goering had always been considered by many to be something of a playboy. These days he enjoyed the trappings of power too much to be truly effective in any given ministerial job. Consequently he accepted his new role as the best he was likely to get.
For the time being.
General von Brauchitsch was effectively the leader of the Council as well as holding the position of Minister of Defence. He personally had no desire whatsoever to be a politician and made no secret of the fact that he would serve on the council only until Germany was stable and on a steady course. Then he would go back to the army or retire.
Two other soldiers were members of the Council as ‘Ministers without Portfolio’. General Erich von Mannstein and General Ludwig Beck. Both able soldiers widely respected for their abilities, intelligence and work ethic. They also had long histories of opposition to many aspects of Hitler’s and Nazi policies.
There were three civilian members.
Baron von Altendorf was Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Hjalmar Schacht had been appointed the new Minister of Economics. Schacht was sixty three years old, an economist, banker, and previously liberal politician who had at one time been the President of the German Central Bank. He had been Minister of Economics from 1934 to 1937 but had become disillusioned with the Nazi regime and resigned. He was considered by his fellow members to be a safe hand on the tiller during the impending reconstruction of Germany.
The new Interior Minister was Albert Speer. Although Speer was only thirty five years old, he was a man of proven and outstanding organisational abilities. He was a man who got things done. He had been a registered member of the Nazi party for many years, but that had been for the sake of convenience. He was essentially apolitical.
Under his wing, in the short term, would be the departments of labour, industry, transport, justice, police, education, health and agriculture. He had been tasked with finding suitable heads or ministers for some of these functions as a matter of urgency.
This was the make-up of the Council that now ruled most of Western Europe.
Von Altendorf and Schacht were considering prospective Deputy Ministers to assist them. The potential appointees had to have distinguished records in the German civil service. Speer had already made such an appointment for his own ministry.
Von Brauchitsch had also appointed two deputies of his own to assist with the restructure of the armed forces. These were Admiral Karl Donitz of the Kriegsmarine, and General Albert Kesselring from the Luftwaffe.