As regards Italy. It is no secret that I have advised the Governing Council not to offer membership of the European Alliance to Italy while Mussolini remains in power.”
He paused, thinking.
“And France, sir?” Jeremy asked.
“Ah, France. Hmmm. Strictly between you and I, the French can be difficult. Personally I have no animosity whatsoever towards them, but I am not looking forward to negotiating the final peace treaty with them in the next few months.”
This was news to Jeremy.
“They are a thoroughly beaten nation, yet when one talks to their politicians it is as if they are the occupying power, not Germany. One of their Generals, Charles de Gaulle, is arrogant beyond belief. Fortunately he proved to be so egotistical that nobody in the Vichy regime would work with him. He was sent packing to some military posting in Africa.
They can be exasperating. It may not be easy to persuade them to join the European Alliance.
I fear poor old Marshall Petain will not survive long after there is permanent peace. He will be made the scapegoat for France’s failures before and during the war.”
He cheered up, “Another brandy, my boy?”
Late the following afternoon Jeremy and the younger von Altendorfs drove back to Berlin. The three of them had taken a long walk around the entire estate in the morning. Then a late lunch before leaving. But at no time had Jeremy been able to catch Erica alone. Frustrating!
Jeremy was dropped off at his apartment with a promise that they would phone him during the week. Regrettably the weekend was over.
Once he had unpacked, Jeremy settled down to record the interesting items he had heard the previous evening. Before he compiled a report, he thought that it might be a good idea to discuss the European Alliance project in the next day or two with his friend, Jamie MacLellan, from the US Embassy. See what he knows.
It had been three weeks since Admiral Canaris had disclosed to a shocked Governing Council the existence of an underground opposition movement, probably Nazi orientated. His agents had successfully penetrated it, and he now had a list of eighty five senior and middle ranking organisers. The plotters were planning to act on the first day of Munich’s Oktoberfest, the annual beer guzzling festival which was soon to be held for the first time since the European War had started.
During the past three weeks the military members of the Council had kept this problem to themselves. Initially they had considered it a military matter, and secondly, it was not altogether impossible that one of the civilian members were part of the movement. Even though this was thought to be highly improbable.
They planned to take action on the morning of the next meeting of the Governing Council, scheduled for two days time. The arrival of Field Marshall Goering would be the signal for the rounding up of the listed plotters to commence. This way nobody could tip off Goering.
After some discussion it had been decided to treat it as a civil matter and use the police for the arrests. Sufficient evidence had already been uncovered during the Abwehr’s investigation. It was anticipated that many of the plotters would readily co-operate with the police once everything was out in the open.
Involving the police also meant putting the accused on trial. Everybody had agreed that the public and the outside world, needed to see that justice was being done, in contrast to the days of the previous regime when opponents simply ‘disappeared’. To do this, von Brauchitsch needed to involve the Interior Minister as both the police and justice portfolios fell under his ministry. It was felt that the risk of disclosing the problem to Speer was minimal as Speer was totally non-political and nobody worked harder than him for the new Germany.
The talk with Speer had gone well, as expected. The Minister was his usual efficient and competent self and promised complete co-operation. The police and the Justice department would be ready.
All was ready on the day the Governing Council met.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Minister of Economics, had been asked to arrive a little earlier than the scheduled start time. This would give von Brauchitsch time to share with them the details of what had been uncovered, and the actions being taken.
On hearing what had been discovered, the normally imperturbable Baron von Altendorf buried his head in hands and exclaimed, “The fool. The fat, stupid fool. When everything is going so well for Germany, he would cheerfully spoil things. And for what? The man is a disgusting traitor of the worst kind.”
Schacht had a grim expression.
A little later Goering’s motor car swept into his allocated underground parking space in the Reich Chancellery. The sky blue, (Goering’s favourite colour), magnificent Mercedes Benz 540K had his family crest on the doors. Its arrival was watched by an Abwehr agent. As always the Field Marshall was accompanied by his two faithful brutish air force bodyguards. He made his way imperiously to the Council chamber. His bodyguards went off in search of a cup of coffee.
Everything appeared normal. All the others were either discussing things in subdued tones or looking at their papers.
Goering was something of a showman. He had a penchant for gaudy and flamboyant uniforms designed to his own specifications. Today he was wearing a silk sky blue Luftwaffe uniform stretched over his corpulent frame. He had a similar coloured cape around his shoulders. Everyone thought he looked ridiculous.
After his usual cordial greetings, he settled his bulk into his chair and looked around the room. He was totally unaware of the bombshell that was soon to hit him.
As had become customary, Baron von Altendorf spoke first. He reported that Italy had withdrawn their troops from the territory they had occupied in Southern France. Mussolini had issued a statement saying that in view of the settled state of affairs in Europe, he was making a magnanimous gesture and returning to France their land. He was extending the hand of friendship to that country. In the same spirit he was also putting his signature to a peace agreement with Great Britain.
Nobody could avoid derisory smiles.
With obvious satisfaction, the Minister then advised that agreements for the sale of most of the Kriegsmarine heavy ships had been signed over the past week with Argentina, China, Mexico, Spain and Turkey. Negotiations were ongoing with the Soviet Union for the battleships Bismark and Tirpitz. The Russians were being their usual obtuse selves.
“The terms of these sales are broadly similar in each case and have been agreed in consultation with the Kriegsmarine in regard to handing over the vessels. The Ministries of Economics and Interior have agreed to the credit terms and the shipments of agricultural produce and raw materials offered to us as payment. Everything is most satisfactory. I submit that we have the best possible deal that can be expected.”
Goering now interrupted. “Once again, gentlemen, I have to express my opposition to these sales. I think it is a serious mistake to weaken our naval forces.”
He had said this before, and, as before, his comments were noted — and ignored — as before.
Von Altendorf continued, “Two days ago we received a request from the Japanese that their military forces be allowed access to French Indochina to facilitate their war against China. In line with our agreed policies, I informed them that Vichy France is an independent state, and their colonies are their responsibility. I added, however, that should France refuse their request, and should Japan invade any of the French, British or Dutch colonial territories, Germany would consider this an unfriendly act. I sent a copy of this reply to the Vichy and Dutch regimes, and to the British Ambassador. We await Japan’s reaction.”