He suggested a qualified franchise. Yes, all citizens of twenty one years and older would have the right to vote. But, those with higher education qualifications would be entitled to an extra vote. Similarly, anyone paying income tax of an amount more than four times the national average would also get an extra vote.
Berger argued forcibly that being highly educated or paying greater tax was not the same as hereditary or arbitrary class distinction, or privilege.
Berger maintained that his voting system would partly mitigate the votes cast irrationally in some cases, for example by people or families who consistently voted for a particular party because ‘Their father had always voted for them’, or ‘He has an honest face’.
Another idea he pursued relentlessly, was the appointment of a senior civil servant to oversee statements and promises made by politicians. He would have significant powers of investigation, and if he discovered that a statement or promise was deliberately misleading or never meant to be honoured, the guilty individuals could be suspended from the Storting — the Norwegian parliament — or even criminally prosecuted where it was warranted. Berger was aiming at politicians who would promise absolutely anything to get elected. He insisted that retribution should be swift and painful!
The Soviet politician Nikita Khrushchev had once said, “Politicians are the same all over. They will promise to build a bridge even where there is no river”.
Norway’s King Haakon VII had personally found Berger’s ideas sound, and endorsed them. The King was greatly respected by his people. He was a rarity; a democratically elected monarch. He had become the first King of Norway after the union with Sweden had been dissolved in 1905. He had accepted the offered crown only on the condition that a referendum showed that monarchy was the choice of the Norwegian people. Seventy nine percent of the voters choose monarchy.
The Professor’s ideas were incorporated into the new constitution, and now the results of the election would show if the changes had any significant impact.
One and half million people voted, but it was not known how many of them had used a second or third vote. The result was the return of the Labour Party but with a slightly reduced percentage of the vote. They had a one seat majority in the Storting, Norway’s parliament. The second largest party, the Conservative Party, significantly improved their share of the vote.
No conclusive lessons could be determined about the effect of the changed voting systems, although many commentators now accepted that it was an interesting idea that should be given a chance.
In the meantime Norway had a new and stable government, and a new Prime Minister, Einar Gerhardsen. They also had an opposition party strong enough to be considered effective.
The summit of the European Alliance was over. The fourteen member countries, Britain, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Italy, Luxembourg, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania and Spain, had been represented by their respective Ministers of Defence, their Commanders-in-Chief of armed forces, and their European Alliance Liaison Officers. The Supreme Commander — European Alliance, Field Marshall Rommel was Chairman of the meeting.
Rommel spoke at length of the progress made since the end of the European War. The standardisation of military equipment was proceeding satisfactorily. He confirmed that all member countries had met their commitments to the Alliance, including defence spending.
The total population of the member countries added up to more than three hundred million. The permanent armed forces totalled over three and a half million. In extremis another twenty five million men could be mobilised. The European Alliance was the most powerful military grouping in the world by far. And it was getting more powerful every year as their weapons weaponry improved and was standardised.
The representatives of each country were given the opportunity to have their say. There was no dissension of any kind at this, the first European Alliance summit.
It was now that Rommel made his closing statement. One which would be contemplated by Heads of States around the world for decades into the future.
“Our grand Alliance is something we should all wish to be unnecessary at some future date.” There was murmuring among his audience. “Make no mistake, that date is a long way off. But in a stable and prosperous world, military alliances should, in theory, be superfluous. In the meantime, that future stable and prosperous world will come about only because we are alert and militarily strong enough to deter aggression by one country against another.
This is the message we have sent out to the world. The European Alliance is a purely defensive alliance. We want no foreign wars. And we are resolved that there will be no further wars in Europe. We will have peace through strength.”
Rommel received a standing ovation.
Jamie MacLellan’s last letter to President Roosevelt
Dear Mr President
I hope this letter finds you in good health.
You may by now have been informed by the navy department that I have, with great sadness, resigned my commission.
The past three years have been probably the most interesting period of life, but as in everything, time moves on. After a great deal of thought, and many sleepless nights, I decided to look for new challenges.
One of the ‘challenges’, if I may call it that, is that I will be marrying next year. My fiancée Katherine is British, ex Royal Navy, and she is the sister of my best friend, Colonel Jeremy Blackstone. I have mentioned Jeremy to you several times.
We may be settling in the United States. It is one of our options. We are taking a few months off from our normal world, and taking a sailing holiday.
With the new policy of a reduction in size of the US Navy, following the thaw in relations with Japan, civilian life now appeals to me. I would like to find a job that has something to do with ships.
I must admit, I am both excited and apprehensive. It will be a totally new experience for me.
As regards ‘my thoughts on Europe’ which you originally sent me here for, I think they have become less interesting as the continent has settled down since the war. The Germans have done a superb job in stabilising the diverse economies of the various countries here. And what we once regarded as a huge threat in Europe, communism, has all but disappeared outside of the Soviet Union.
Even the great dictator, Stalin, appears to have mellowed a little in the face of firm and consistent German and European policies. It may be just an act to lull the European Alliance into a false sense of security. I retain an open mind on the subject.
As regards further expansion of the Alliance, the northern countries of Sweden and Finland have been quietly asked not to apply for membership. This would create a problem with an insecure Soviet Union, who regards that part of the world as their backyard. Sweden in any case, like Switzerland, has always been neutral and unlikely to want change their status.
I still smile when I think of Russia being invited to join the Alliance by the Germans. I would love to have been there and seen their faces when that proposition was made.
Yugoslavia and Greece are as far away from acceptance into the alliance as ever.
I personally found it gratifying, uplifting even, that Italy was able to pull itself together and take its place in the Alliance. I was there again last month and the enthusiasm that I saw within that country, was almost humbling. As a sign of the times, I discovered that the Italians have persuaded the British, French and Germans to begin grand prix motor racing again next year. As you probably know, this was banned at the start of the war.