The Italians tell me that the well-known motor car manufacturers, Maserati and Alfa Romeo, are already working on world beating cars.
Well, Mr President, it has been an honour to serve you and I hope my ‘thoughts’ of the past few years were of interest and assistance to you.
I wish you well for the future.
CHAPTER FIVE - WINDS OF CHANGE
The board of directors of Bradlington Thornberry Bank proposed a special vote of thanks to James Blackstone, as well as awarding him a special monetary bonus. His department, in its first full half year of operation, had concluded finance deals for over one hundred Junkers JU52 airliners and transport aircraft. All good quality deals. A further two hundred were confidently expected to be financed over the next twelve months. The bank had never been so profitable or increased its volume of business at such a rate.
James celebrated at home that evening with Fiona. It was not a late night. Fiona was often tired after looking after the child the whole day. And James had to be in Berlin the following day as guest on a test flight of the Anglo-German airliner, the Focke-Wulf Flightstar. He would be accompanied by his interpreter cum personal assistant, Magda.
The President of France, Admiral Darlan, finished his second reading of the document now resting on the desk in front of him. He leaned back, staring at the ceiling. He was unsettled. ‘This has to be handled very very delicately’ he thought. ‘Whichever way we proceed will involve some pain for France.’
He remembered something which the German Foreign Affairs Minister had once said to him and which had stuck in his mind. ‘Search the past, if you want to change the future.’
For another hour he sat there thinking of nothing else but the subject of the dossier. If he were a true politician he could ignore it and leave the problem to his eventual successor or a future government. But that was cowardly politics. It was the way things had been done in the past when France was governed by weak or incompetent politicians. Darlan was no coward. Neither was he weak or incompetent.
He had been President of France for the past three years, and under his non-democratic government the country had undergone considerable change. And for the better. Moscow inspired communist insurgency had been eliminated. Political upheaval and social unrest were things of the past. The economy was sound and the country was prospering once again. France was at peace with itself. Possibly the country was better off than it had ever been at any time in its history.
The source of Darlan’s concern was France’s vast colonial empire. This covered about eight percent of the Earth’s surface, with a total — and very diverse — population of more than one hundred and ten million people, if France itself was included. It extended into north, east, west and central Africa, the Caribbean, central and south America, the Middle East, the Far East and Polynesia, plus a few desolate and worthless islands close to Antarctica.
The devastating defeat of France in the European War in 1940 had encouraged anti-colonial and nationalist movements throughout the empire. At the moment these were being easily contained, both politically and militarily. But Darlan searched the past and saw the future. He didn’t like what he saw.
His old political foe, General Charles de Gaulle, had been forced to resign from the army a few years ago. He had entered politics, and since then he had made a nuisance of himself by agitating for a return of democratic elections in France. De Gaulle was not particularly a great lover of democracy; he simply yearned to resume a position of personal power. His following was small but vociferous.
Darlan had seen a way to kill two birds with one stone. He offered de Gaulle a government post. The position as Minister for Colonies carried no real power and was fraught with potential difficulties. As Minister, his first task would be to conduct an in-depth study of France’s colonial empire. It would involve visiting every single colony, and talking with officials, local people and French settlers. Economic, social and military aspects were to be considered. The British and Dutch empire models should be studied. Finally, a blueprint for the future relationship of the colonies and France was to be drawn up.
De Gaulle was not fooled. He had seen the potential trap that Darlan had laid for him. But de Gaulle was ambitious, arrogant, and totally confident in his own abilities. He regarded the proffered job as a stepping stone to greater things. He accepted the challenge.
He threw himself into the task with relish. It had taken him almost twelve months, and many thousands of kilometres travelled, but his report now lay on Darlan’s desk. Apart from the mass of data and statistics, two basic alternative future political scenarios were offered for consideration by the French government.
The first option was to continue with, and complete, the existing semi-official and half-hearted French policy of the overseas territories being considered integral Departments of France. All the inhabitants of the empire would ultimately become French citizens, with all the rights and obligations that this entailed.
In de Gaulle’s opinion this was ‘pie in the sky’. In theory it sounded great, but in practice he foresaw that nationalists and opportunist politicians in the various colonies would never accept perceived ‘foreign’ domination. He had looked at the history of resistance in their territories, and concluded that matters would only get worse. He saw France being drawn into ever escalating conflicts in the different regions as they tried to impose their ideology, culture, and policies on radically different ethnic, cultural and religious peoples. Such a way would be costly, and eventual success was by no means assured.
A further potential problem with this approach was, even if it worked in the colonies, what would be the impact of millions of non-French born peoples choosing to migrate permanently to metropolitan France? This would impose severe cultural, social, and religious tensions. It was a recipe for social unrest.
Putting aside emotional attachment to the glory of empire and the foolish nonsense about equality of man, he bravely advised a completely different course of action.
He proposed independence for all colonies that were economically viable, but within a Francophone trading and cultural grouping.
Whatever course was ultimately decided on, de Gaulle saw himself as the man to oversee matters. His ego had in no ways diminished during his years in the political ‘wilderness’.
This was the dilemma that now faced the French president. He sighed and put the report to one side. He just had time to finish his preparation for his meeting with the German Foreign Minister scheduled for the following morning.
Darlan and von Altendorf had adopted an informal and relaxed style of meeting every six months or so. The British Foreign Secretary enjoyed a similar arrangement with both of them. As the largest largest members of the European Alliance in terms of economy, population and military capacity, it was considered prudent for the three of them to be broadly ‘in step’ with their policies.
In the bitter aftermath of the German invasion in 1940 the French animosity towards Germany knew no limit. However, the stability and prosperity that had been established following the generous peace settlement had softened their attitudes. Most could now accept that the two countries could achieve more in partnership and so the historical enmity between France and Germany had greatly diminished. Furthermore, the French President and the German Foreign Minister had developed something of a special personal relationship. Each trusted the word and intentions of the other.