"Gentlemen, the author Isaiah Berlin once wrote that the world is divided into two camps. The Fox knows many things, observed Berlin, and scurries after them all. The Hedgehog knows one big thing and stays focused like a laser."
McCoy didn't know where he was going with this.
"In our case," Bennett continued, "the Fox is the man easily distracted by centuries of hatred and mistrust and by decades of previous deals, many of them unworkable, some of them unwise, and all of them unconsummated. The Fox is easily fixated on issues that should not be — cannot be — solved first, and may not be solved for many years to come. He is perpetually chasing his tail, going around in circles, making himself and all who watch him dizzy, and frustrated and despondent that anything of lasting value will be achieved. The Hedgehog, on the other hand, sees the big picture, refuses to be sidetracked, and does not let the perfect become the enemy of the good. I propose we follow the way of the Hedgehog.
"The president considers the peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict a top priority. We'll help you strike agreements on final borders, refugees, water rights, and the status of Jerusalem. But that's Phase Two of our oil-for-peace proposal. Phase One is about agreeing to a three-year transition in which both sides create a terror-free zone, build political and economic infrastructure, commence oil and gas operations, and begin to establish a free and vibrant Palestinian democracy committed to a peaceful two-state solution."
Bennett took a sip of coffee and continued.
"Obviously, we now have a new situation in the disputed territories. My government has made no determination at this early stage in Operation Palestinian Freedom how long U.S. troops might remain. But the president is open to the possibility of our forces serving as a buffer between Israel and the Palestinians to prevent suicide bombings, rocket attacks, and the like."
There was an awkward silence for a few moments. The riptides of history were already pulling them out to sea.
"I am open to this," Prime Minister Sa'id offered. "But it must be said up front that ending all occupations — by the Israelis or the Americans— must be central to these talks, as well as an acknowledgment by Israel of full Palestinian sovereignty over the pre-1967 boundaries."
Bennett could see Doron shift in his seat. This was it. They were in it now, and playing for keeps.
"And we need a firm timetable," Sa'id continued. "President Carter promised us a fair resolution at Camp David. President Bush did so at Madrid. Then there was Oslo, and the Road Map. We were supposed to have a Palestinian state by 2005. Now here we are. It's the first day of 2011. And we've got nothing. We are like your Charlie Brown cartoons, like Charlie, Lucy, and the football. Someone always pulls away the football at the last moment and we land flat on our backs. We are losing confidence in this game."
"Mr. Prime Minister," said Bennett, "I appreciate your goals, and your candor. I don't want to recount the entire history of failed negotiations or either side's failures to keep their promises. But the president has instructed me to say this, to say it as plainly as I possible can."
Bennett paused, and looked Sa'id straight in the eye.
"Palestinians do not have a state today because the Palestinian leadership has thus far refused to give up its ambition to have all the land of Israel. Refused to give up the strategy of armed conflict to achieve that goal. Refused to clamp down on terrorist networks that attack innocent Israeli civilians. And refused to accept any of the previous political deals that have been negotiated. The president understands full well that the Israelis have often mistreated the Palestinians and subjected them to all kinds of human-rights abuses. He doesn't condone or excuse such behavior. But he believes, and it is die position of my government, that it is ultimately the fault of the previous Palestinian government that your people do not have a state."
Sa'id couldn't believe what he was hearing. Neither could Doron.
"In 1947," Bennett continued, "the League of Nations came up with the Partition Plan, essentially dividing the Holy Land in half. Israel said yes. The Arabs said no. And five Arab nations invaded, seeking to throw the Jews into the sea. In the summer of 2000, at the second Camp David summit, Prime Minister Barak offered Chairman Arafat eighty-seven percent of the West Bank and Gaza. Previously, no Israeli prime minister had ever offered more than forty or fifty percent, I believe, and it struck many in Washington as a very generous offer."
Doron wanted to add "Too generous," but he held his tongue. "But Chairman Arafat wanted more," Bennett continued. "He negotiated all the way up to ninety-seven percent of the land, and half the Old City of Jerusalem. Barak agreed. But what did Chairman Arafat do? He rejected the deal outright. Then he went back to Ramallah and set into motion the Al-Aqsa intifada, a wave of terrorism and suicide bombings that left thousands of Israelis and Palestinians dead and wounded."
The tension in the room was palpable.
"My government will not dictate the terms of an agreement. It doesn't matter to us what percentage you two agree upon. Indeed, the whole point of our oil-for-peace proposal is to shift the terms of debate away from how much land each side is giving away to how much wealth each side can acquire if a deal—any deal—is agreed to and lived up to. Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban once said, 'The Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss opportunity.' President MacPherson is adamant; this had better not be another opportunity missed."
New Year's Eve was over.
There were no bombings to report. The most dramatic incident occurred at three minutes after midnight local time. Three men were in a Cessna trying to fly from Toronto to Rochester, skimming the waters of Lake Ontario at barely a hundred feet. Spotted by a coast guard cutter, they were warned repeatedly to identify themselves and turn back. When those warnings had failed, two F-15E Strike Eagles flying combat air patrol intercepted the aging Cessna, and shot it down just minutes before it reached Greater Rochester, home of such industrial giants as Kodak, Xerox, and Bausch & Lomb.
Investigators were still picking through the crash site. It was unclear whether the men were planning a kamikaze attack (the plane was filled with cases of explosives) or perhaps were planning to land at a small, private airstrip where they'd meet other operatives, or set out on their own.
As best they could tell, the feds had busted up at least nine terror cells trying to penetrate U.S. borders over the past week. Fourteen men and three women were now in federal custody, and seven more men were dead after battles with federal agents on the borders or in the air.
"Jonathan, I resent your premise," Sa'id stated calmly.
"Fair enough. But it's not my premise," Bennett responded. "It's the president's."
"Nevertheless, it is entirely unfair. It suggests that we must make all the concessions, not the Israelis."
"The president isn't blaming you personally, Ibrahim. He's blaming Chairman Arafat, and his regime — the very regime that is now out there ripping themselves and your people to shreds. It's a fair analysis, and it happens to be true."
"I'm sorry you feel that way, Jonathan."
"I don't feel that way. Those are the facts."
"Look, Jonathan, I want a state. Chairman Arafat wanted a state. Abu Mazen wanted a state. My people want a state. Period. Not tomorrow. Not next year, or three years, or three thousand years from now. We want a state. We want to rule ourselves and live in dignity. That's all we've ever wanted. A state and peace to raise our children. Please don't insult me by saying the last half century of violence was all our fault."