“That was a very bad mistake,” Pontowski said.
Gus nodded. “That’s why I was able to recruit him for our Special Operations Service.” Butler handed Pontowski a map, and Gus pointed to the Taman Negara. “The Chinese have built underground bunkers at this location. Which is where Kamigami found the Scud.”
“The Chinese don’t have Scuds,” Pontowski said. “So where did it come from? Why not a CSS-7? That’s a much better missile.”
“North Korea supplied the Scuds,” Gus said. “We believe that the Chinese want to appear as indigenous rebels supported by radical Islamic factions.”
“And the Scud is part of their cover,” Pontowski said.
Gus agreed. “It appears so. We also have reports of numerous small Chinese ships operating off the northeastern coast of Malaysia.”
“Why Malaysia?” Pontowski asked.
“We have reason to believe,” Butler said, “that their objective is Singapore and the Strait of Malacca.” He was treading a thin line with Pontowski and was over the line with Gus. He could not tell either of them what he knew, and had to protect his sources at all costs. That was part of his business. It was only when Gus had contacted one of the Boys asking for help that Butler had gotten involved and asked Gus to come to Washington for “discussions.”
Pontowski frowned. “From one of your unimpeachable sources?” Butler ignored the sarcasm. “I can see the Chinese stirring up a civil war,” Pontowski continued, “but chancing a major war to gain control of the Strait? No way. The Chinese coerce and punish, they don’t invade and occupy.”
Butler thought for a moment. He wanted to involve Pontowski, but what would it take to convince him? He could never reveal that his source was Jin Chu, Zou Rong’s consort. “Let’s just say we believe there’s a substantial threat there.”
Pontowski studied the map in his hands. “And you’ve got to honor the threat. Why are you telling me all this?”
“Because,” Butler said, “we want you to spearhead the U.S. response.”
Pontowski was incredulous. “What U.S. response?” The pieces fell into place even as he said it. “I see.”
“Do you?” Butler asked.
“Yeah, I do. If China’s objective is to capture Singapore and control the Strait, we’ve got to get involved. Which right now we can’t do because we’re up to our ass in alligators in the Middle East. That means we have to adapt a win-hold-win strategy. Win in the Middle East while we hold in Malaysia — then redeploy to Malaysia in time to win there. I think that strategy, for lack of a better word, sucks. You say ‘response’ and I hear ‘hostage force.’ No, thank you very much. I’m not your boy.” He paused to let it register. “I’ve bounced between here and the West Coast so much I feel like a Ping-Pong ball that qualifies for frequent-flier miles.” He headed for the door. “I’ve got a library to run.”
“Since you’re here,” Butler asked, “can you wait at least twenty-four hours?” Pontowski skidded to a stop and hesitated. “I’ll owe you,” Butler added, upping the ante.
“Twenty-four hours,” Pontowski muttered. He disappeared out the door.
The two men looked at each other. “What now?” Gus asked.
Butler reached for the telephone and dialed a number. “How would you like to meet the secretary of state?”
For one of the rare times in his life, Gus showed surprise. “What are you up to?”
“Taking it one bite at a time.”
Gus tried hard to be inscrutable, but he knew that Butler could read him like an open book. Both men believed that the United States would have to be dragged kicking and screaming into the coming conflict on the Malay Peninsula. The best way to make that happen was to have a U.S. presence in place that could be quickly overrun, thereby forcing the politicians to do something. But it was a sword that cut two ways. By having a so-called hostage, or trip-wire, force in place, a potential enemy might be discouraged from attacking because it would guarantee a U.S. response. It had worked with the Berlin garrison during the Cold War. “You want Pontowski for the…ah, trip wire?”
Butler gave him a hard look. “He’s no bleating sheep being led to the slaughter. He fights back.”
Butler was waiting when Mazie arrived for the ExCom’s Sunday meeting in the Situation Room. Without a word he handed her a thin folder containing a threat estimate for the Malay Peninsula and the same two messages Pontowski had seen. She read through it and shrugged. “Worrisome but not critical.”
“And if I said we had a very reliable source confirming the threat?”
“It depends on your source,” Mazie replied.
Butler knew what he had to do, and it grated on every instinct, every bit of tradecraft he believed in. He had to compromise his source to gain the support he needed. “Jin Chu. She contacted us.”
“The ExCom needs to see this,” she told him. He didn’t reply. “You don’t want to reveal your source, right?”
“You know how the CIA works.”
“Unfortunately,” Mazie murmured. The CIA would “validate” Jin Chu and, in the process, reveal their interest in her. That, in turn, could be a death sentence. “I doubt if the DCI would buy it even if he knew.” They waited in silence. Wilding soon entered, and Mazie passed him the folder. “You need to read this.”
The DCI slipped into the room. But before he could sit down, Secretary of State Serick burst through the door. “We have problems in Malaysia.” He stamped his cane for emphasis and then sat. “I’ve been in conversation with a Mr. Deng Shikai…very well connected in the Singapore government. He claims the Chinese are set to mount a major offensive on the Malay Peninsula to capture Singapore and the Strait of Malacca.”
“Nonsense,” the DCI said. Wilding shoved the folder across the table for him to read. He did and then closed the folder with a firm finality. “Someone’s obsessing.”
“We can’t ignore it,” Mazie told him.
Wilding punched at a hand controller, and one of the computer monitors came to life with a listing of the United States’ order of battle that enumerated all the forces available for deployment. “We don’t have the capability to respond. We’re fully committed to the Gulf. At best we could mount a win-hold-win strategy.”
“That would be political suicide,” Serick said. “Leland would see to that.”
“So what do we tell the president?” Mazie asked.
At that very moment Maddy was in the residence enjoying herself. It was a rare moment as she watched the vice president spar with Leland on Meet the Press. Kennett had effectively boxed the wily senator into a corner, making him choose between selling out America’s troops in combat, as well as its allies, and continuing to fight. “The choice is yours to make, Senator.”
The camera zoomed in on Leland’s face. “That choice will be forced on the president,” Leland shot back. “Look at the casualties. She alone is responsible for this slaughter. And it is not a matter of selling out our allies. France has been against this from the very first and can still broker a cease-fire. We need to listen to our allies, not act unilaterally when it is against our best interests. The UIF will need a market for its oil. The industrialized West is that market. There are workable options here.”
“Defeat is a workable option?” Kennett asked.
The moderator interrupted them. “Gentlemen, we’ve just received a report from Malaysia that I believe you’ll be interested in.” He turned to the screen behind him.
They watched as a reporter stood on the rooftop of a hotel and described the chaos below him. “Widespread rioting erupted today in Kuala Lumpur following nerve-gas attacks on three bus stations. Mobs of angry Malays blame the Chinese and are looting and burning Chinese homes and businesses. Farther south, Singapore police arrested eight terrorists at Changi Airport. All eight were from Malaysia and suspected of being involved with the attacks here.”