The Trojan War remains unique among all wars, “not just for the great passion involved, but likewise for how long it lasted and how much effort went into it.” Unique not just on earth but in heaven too. For the Twelve Olympians the war was “a greater and more terrible struggle than their fight with the Giants.” Thus writes Isocrates, spokesman for the mainstream of Athenian thought.
But how could a cosmic event such as the Gigantomachy have troubled the gods less than a war between men? As the up and coming celestial generation, the Olympians had presented a united front against the giants. Yet, when they looked down at what was happening on the plains of Troy, a kind of civil war broke out among them: “they fought among themselves over that woman [Helen].” Unbearable to men, Helen’s beauty was likewise dangerous for the gods. The risk they ran was that of becoming too like men, to the point of engaging in that ultimate and peculiarly human of horrors, the civil war. Isocrates has a wonderful way of prettifying the truth. Hence he has nothing to add to this remark, which, however, stands out all the more coming from him.
If the Trojan War was a dangerous business for gods as well as men, this was because it served to generate that mighty “upheaval” which once and for all shifted the civilized world’s center of gravity to Greece and the Greek city of Athens, the city of Theseus, the man who first recognized Helen, when she was a prepubescent girl and immediately decided that he couldn’t live without “her intimacy.” In the Athenian twilight, Helen appeared as the felix culpa that had allowed Greece to see off the opulent barbarians. Behind Greece’s transformation into the dominant civilization, which Isocrates was so proud of, stood not a founding hero, nor a king, nor a warrior, but an adulterous woman of whom only two qualities have been obsessively documented: her flair for betrayal and her beauty.
In the vaster historical perspective, the adulteries disappeared but not the beauty. Helen had been the living proof of the Athenian theorem, according to which “beauty, by nature, rules over strength.” It is a sovereignty that comes into its own only when strength has pushed itself to the limit, in the slaughter of the heroes. It was then that beauty finally asserted itself, as it asserted itself over Theseus, that champion of physical strength, “sovereign of himself,” who left in Athenian customs a “trace of his sweetness.”
More than acts of worship, it was beauty that offered a firm link between the life of the city and that of the Olympians. Mortals and immortals communicated through beauty, without any need for ceremonies. Even Zeus agreed to renounce the use of force and “humble himself” only when he found himself before the beauty of a mortal woman. And he agreed “always to hunt that nature with art and not with violence.” So highly did the Olympians value beauty that they even forgave “their own women when they were overcome by it.” When beauty seduced her into an earthly adventure, no goddess “ever tried to hide what had happened, as though it were something to be ashamed of.” On the contrary, rather than have people keep quiet about it, they wanted it to be celebrated. And this distinguishes the gods sharply from mortals, who have never been able to forgive their beautiful women. Helen lived surrounded by the love of a few men and the hate of both innumerable other men and all women. For centuries she would be subjected to insults and blasphemy. Yet she would always remain “the only woman Zeus allowed to call him father.” Thus Helen behaved with the same shamelessness as the Olympian goddesses when “she appeared one night to Homer and ordered him to write a poem about the warriors of Troy, wishing to make their deaths more enviable than those of other men; and it was partly thanks to Homer’s artfulness, but above all because of her, that that poem became so seductive [epaphróditon] and famous everywhere.” Rather than weep over her crimes, Helen, like a sovereign, commissioned the Iliad from Homer to celebrate them. And literature obeyed her command, assimilating Helen’s Aphrodite-like charm.
These were the last years of freedom for Athens, and through Isocrates the city recounted its history. His speech on Helen seems to go straight on into the Panathenaicus, that grandiose celebration of the declining Athens. Isocrates, “the most modest of orators,” was ninety-four years old when he started writing it, and he worked on it for three years, fighting illness all the while. Then, when news of the defeat at Chaeronea came, he decided to starve himself to death. The Macedonians would soon have conquered Attica, as the peninsula’s eastern enemies had so often tried to do and failed. “Some say that he died on the ninth day of his abstinence from food; others say on the fourth, the day they held the funerals for those who had fallen at Chaeronea.”
Behind what the Greeks called eídōlon, which is at once the idol, the statue, the simulacrum, the phantom, lies the mental image. This fanciful and insubstantial creature imitates the world and at the same time subjects it to a frenzy of different combinations, confounding its forms in inexhaustible proliferation. It emanates a prodigious strength, our awe in the face of what we see in the invisible. It has all the features of the arbitrary, of what is born in the dark, from formlessness, the way our world was perhaps once born. But this time the chaos is the vast shadowy canvas that lies behind our eyes and on which phosphenic patterns constantly merge and fade. Such constant formation of images occurs in each one of us in every instant. But these are not the only peculiarities of the phenomenon. When the phantom, the mental image, takes over our minds, when it begins to join with other similar or alien figures, then little by little it fills the whole space of the mind in an ever more detailed and ever richer concatenation. What initially presented itself as the prodigy of appearance, cut off from everything, is now linked, from one phantom to another, to everything.
At one extreme of the mental image lies our amazement at form, at its self-sufficient and sovereign existence. At the other lies our amazement at the chain of connections that reproduce in the mind the necessity of the material world. It is hard to see those two opposite points in the phantom’s spectrum. To see them simultaneously would be unbearable. For the Greeks, Helen was the embodiment of that vision, beauty hatched from the egg of necessity.
The tension between Helen’s body and Helen’s phantom was too strong: after Homer the Greeks were no longer able to hold the two together. The first sign of breakdown came with Stesichorus: after writing his Helen, in which she is presented as “bigamous and trigamous, a betrayer of men,” he had to produce a poem in her defense after she blinded him in revenge. In Homer, body and phantom existed tacitly side by side: after Homer, the knot that held them together in a single being was gradually loosened, until finally it came apart. On the one hand, there would be the guilty woman, “with her many lovers,” “sold over and over for her beauty,” like the commonest hetaera. On the other, a Helen who had been the victim of divine malice and who waited in Egypt for the return of Menelaus while rejecting the advances of the local king, another Penelope almost.
Euripides dedicated two tragedies—Helen and The Trojan Women—to this two-faced heroine, illuminating first one side, then the other. The plays mark the earliest emergence of that grim matrimonial morality on which all melodrama would later be based. Helen’s ill-omened adultery, with its wildly disproportionate consequences, would thus go on and on gripping audiences right to the end, right up to Debussy’s Pelléas et Mélisande and Hofmannsthal-Strauss’s Die Frau ohne Schatten.