If free men are willing to study the problem and move across the world in one vast united front, it is entirely possible for the human race to celebrate the close of the Twentieth Century with this monumental achievement:
APPENDIX A
What Do Defenders of Communism Say?
The voluminous literature of Communism contains bold and sometimes harsh answers to almost any question a student may care to ask. However, few students have an opportunity to meet anyone who will admit he is a well indoctrinated Communist, and few people have the time or inclination to read the technical, cumbersome documents of Communist lore. Therefore, the following symposium is designed to bring some of these answers together under a number of general headings.
It will be observed that Communist propaganda sometimes contradicts these answers when a true statement of doctrine would prove embarrassing. However, the answers presented here are taken in most instances from the foremost exponents of Marxism and in all such cases represent unembellished, non-propaganda answers which teachers of Marxism pass along to their own followers.
Peaceful Co-existence
Student: “Do you think there is a possibility that the democracies and the Soviet can somehow co-exist?”
Lenin: “The existence of the Soviet Republic side by side with imperialist states for a long time is unthinkable. One or the other must triumph in the end. And before that end supervenes, a series of frightful collisions between the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states will be inevitable.”{132}
Official Statement: “The proletariat in the Soviet Union harbours no illusions as to the possibility of a durable peace with the imperialists. The proletariat knows that the imperialist attack against the Soviet Union is inevitable; that in the process of a proletarian world revolution wars between proletarian and bourgeois states, wars for the emancipation of the world from capitalism, will necessarily and inevitably arise. Therefore, the primary duty of the proletariat, as the fighter for socialism, is to make all the necessary political, economic and military preparations for these wars, to strengthen its Red Army—that mighty weapon of the proletariat—and to train the masses of the toilers in the art of war.”{133}
Student: “Why do you not go ahead and prove that Communism will work in your own country before trying to force it upon other nations?”
Lenin: “Final victory can be achieved only on an international scale, and only by the combined efforts of the workers of all countries.”{134}
Stalin: “This means that the serious assistance of the international proletariat is a force without which the problem of the final victory of socialism in one country cannot be solved.”{135}
Student: “I am in favor of cordial relations between nations. Would you call me an Internationalist?”
P. E. Vyshinsky: “At present the only determining criterion… is: Are you for or against the USSR, the motherland of the world proletariat? An internationalist is not one who verbally recognizes international solidarity or sympathizes with it. A real internationalist is one who brings his sympathy and recognition up to the point of practical and maximum help to the USSR in support and defense of the USSR by every means and in every possible form.”{136}
Student: “I thought that during World War II the Communist leaders said they wanted to be friends with the United States. I hoped we could continue to be friends.”
Varga: “The fact that the Soviet Union and the greatly shaken capitalist countries showed themselves to be in one powerful camp, raged against the Fascist aggressors (during World War II), showed that the struggle of the two systems within the democratic camp was temporarily alleviated, suspended, but this of, course does not mean the end of the struggle.”{137}
Marshall Tito: “Our collaboration with capitalism during the war which has recently ended, by no means signifies that we shall prolong our alliance with it in the future. On the contrary, the capitalistic forces constitute our natural enemy despite the fact that they helped us to defeat their most dangerous representative. It may happen that we shall again decide to make use of their aid, but always with the sole aim of accelerating their final ruin.”{138}
Student: “In other words, you pretended to be our friends merely as a matter of expediency? Why would it not be to our mutual advantage to continue being friends?”
Dimitry Z. Manuilsky: “War to the hilt between communism and capitalism is inevitable.”{139}
Student: “Then why do you even try to maintain peaceful relations with the West?
Stalin: “We cannot forget the saying of Lenin to the effect that a great deal… depends on whether we succeed in delaying war with the capitalist countries… until proletarian revolution ripens in Europe or until colonial revolutions come to a head, or, finally, until the capitalists fight among themselves over the division of the colonies. Therefore, the maintenance of peaceful relations with capitalist countries is an obligatory task for us.”{140}
Student: “Do you think we should expect this “inevitable” conflict soon or far in the distant future?”
Lenin: “To tie one’s hands beforehand, openly to tell the enemy, who is at present better armed than we are, whether and when we will fight him, is stupidity and not revolutionariness. To accept battle at a time when it is obviously advantageous to the enemy and not to us is a crime; and those political leaders of the revolutionary class who are unable to ‘tack, to maneuver, to compromise’ in order to avoid an obviously disadvantageous battle, are good for nothing.”{141}
Student: “Perhaps this explains why you Communists continue building up a tremendous war machine while proclaiming that you want peace. Don’t you think the West sincerely wants peace and would like to disarm?”
Official Statement: “There is a glaring contradiction between the imperialists’ policy of piling up armaments and their hypocritical talk about peace. There is no such contradiction, however, between the Soviet Government’s preparation for defense and for revolutionary war and a consistent peace policy. Revolutionary war of the proletarian dictatorship is but a continuation of a revolutionary peace policy by other means.”{142}
Student: “But would not a so-called revolutionary peace policy by ‘other means’ simply be a demand for unconditional surrender under threat of extermination? Why do you perpetuate the myth of peaceful coexistence when you openly consider the West your enemy?”
Dimitry Z. Manuilsky: “Today, of course, we are not strong enough to attack…. To win we shall need the element of surprise. The bourgeoisie will have to be put to sleep. So we shall begin by launching the most spectacular peace movement on record. There will be electrifying overtures and unheard of concessions. The capitalist countries, stupid and decadent, will rejoice to cooperate in their own destruction. They will jump at another chance to be friends. As soon as their guard is down, we shall smash them with our clenched fist.”{143}