The unhealed wound was a metaphor for the world. The invasion from the south, the invasion from the north, Qiro Anturasi’s disappearance, and the revolt of his western provinces had torn him apart. They had distracted him, made him incapable of anything but surrender. He had been as dead as the flesh the maggots devoured in his wound.
But now… Cyron laughed as a junior minister handed him a sheaf of figures detailing the inventory of arrows, bows, and bowstrings in Moriande’s nine armories. He had thousands of bows, and hundreds of thousands of arrows, but fewer than two thousand bowstrings.
He raised the papers in his right hand. “What’s more likely to break? A bow or a bowstring? What is worse, a wet bow or wet bowstring?”
The clerks and minor ministers remained hunched at their tables, nodding to acknowledge his question. They’d become used to the outbursts but, at first, they had been completely disturbed by them. None dared answer.
But circumstances had changed.
A clerk turned. “Strings, Highness. How many do we need?”
“Two per bow.”
“I shall arrange for three, Highness, and settle for two and a half.”
Cyron gave the man a curt nod. The clerk wrote out an order and a runner-wearing a broad, bright red sash around his middle-took it and sped from what had once been Cyron’s private receiving room. He would carry the order to another room in the Dragon Tower, where it would be duplicated and distributed to every bowyer in the city and beyond. They’d sell him everything they had and produce more, quickly.
Cyron set the archery inventory on a table and another clerk removed it to be sorted and filed for immediate retrieval. Yet other clerks would pore through the files, reading everything, noting anomalies and similarities, and they would be brought up to him. He’d make a quick decision, more orders and reports would be written, and the process would cycle on.
The standing bureaucracy hated Cyron from the first. Some of it was a holdover from before, but his appointment as the Imperial Grand Minister made things worse. He compounded them. Instead of passing orders down through Pelut Vniel and the other high ministers, Cyron had demanded a staff of low-ranking clerks. He wanted men and women who had not yet become entirely beholden to their superiors. This meant he raised up many clerks who had not formally been recognized by their ministries. Cyron catapulted them ahead of others who had labored far longer.
Thirty clerks filled the room; their counterparts were scattered in a half dozen rooms throughout the castle. When a project demanded more resources than immediately available, a clerk would leave to handle that problem and another would replace him. While waiting to be called into the First Chamber, the others would engage in the review process.
This turned the bureaucracy completely on its head. Previously, it had acted as a filter. It distilled information so that the Prince only learned what the bureaucracy felt he should know. Ministers hoarded information, concealing it from their fellows and superiors. Because information was power, it flowed none-too-freely.
Cyron shook his head. The bureaucracy had enshrined inefficiency by stifling the creative power of those working in it. Innovations died at roadblocks. Problems were sequestered and buried so no shame could come to the minister whose responsibility it was to find a solution. This allowed problems to fester-even simple ones.
Cyron expanded distribution of information and encouraged solutions. With every fact passed up to him, he demanded analysis and solutions. The bureaucracy would have previously made decisions on their own, but Cyron relished having options. If he chose to ignore them, so be it; but he had hundreds of people concocting solutions that might never occur to him.
Pelut Vniel tried to stop Cyron. The Prince had gotten everything he asked for and more. Ministers buried him beneath an avalanche of information. It came in jumbled and confusing-the mess begged for ministers to sort it all out. Vniel magnanimously allowed Cyron to take as many clerks as he wanted-especially those with no experience-to deal with the information.
Cyron had turned the tables on them. He’d started by drafting plans based on the data he’d been given, then forwarded them to the ministers for their opinions. They’d taken their time getting back to him, but he’d anticipated that. He’d acted without their advice, tweaking things when they did respond, but mostly moving ahead with his plans. When they protested that he had ignored their input, he noted that their belated comments agreed with his actions.
Then he turned around and buried them with reports, requests, and other make-work. Those ministers who complained he was not giving them anything substantive to do were rewarded with serious tasks. If they delivered solid product, he continued to use them. If they did not, he neutered them with flattery and marginalized them.
Pity stupidity isn’t lethal. The bureaucracy had practiced stupidity in a manner calculated to harm the nation. Primarily they neglected maintenance. The armories were a prime example. The first inventory had indicated there were twice as many arrows, but there had been no physical inventory-the number had been derived from adding up old records, some of which came from Imperial days. Weapons disbursed in time of emergency weren’t counted as they went out, and few enough came back. As a result, a prince could look at the numbers and feel secure about his nation’s preparedness.
But when an enemy came to call, he would be in serious trouble.
That worked in the bureaucracy’s favor and Cyron understood that. A secure prince promoted stability. An aggressive prince might consider going to war, but his ambitions would be blunted when the true numbers were produced. The bureaucracy would promise him weapons, and would procure them; but their counterparts in other nations would then prepare for war themselves. A stalemate would ensue and stability would be preserved.
The Prince did not doubt that there were other benefits to the bureaucracy. When arrows had to be produced in haste, prices rose. Bowyers who wanted part of a government contract would willingly reward bureaucrats for favoring them. Likewise for those paid to transport the arrows and those whose warehouses stored them. The wastage inherent in that system could easily enrich bureaucrats, so motivation to change it didn’t exist.
On top of that, he had other clerks going out to see if bribes were still being paid. Those who pointed out corrupt officials were given rewards and the officials were fined. Cyron functioned under no illusions that his system would eliminate corruption-he just wanted to make it less profitable.
It was too early to determine if his efforts would pay off. Senior ministers complained as if they were feeling pinched. Most feared substantial punishments if past corruption was revealed. While reports of the same had come in, Cyron did not act on them. He didn’t promise that he would not act on them, however; he would wield that club when necessary.
And it would be. The only minister unsullied by corruption was Pelut Vniel. Rumors abounded, of course. The assassination attempt that had cost Cyron half his arm must have been sanctioned by Vniel. Count Nerot Scior had been identified as the man behind the plot, and there seemed little doubt that the assassin’s wage had come from his purse. The man had fled Moriande for the westron counties, but he never would have dared try to usurp the Dragon Throne if some sort of accommodation with the Grand Minister had not been reached.
So far, Cyron’s only effort against Vniel had been his general assault on the bureaucracy. Fractures were already beginning to appear as the ministers, one by one, began to cooperate with Cyron. Copies of all missives flowed to Vniel’s office, but unofficial transcriptions of consultations did not. Cyron assumed that simple knowledge of these consultations would annoy Vniel. With any luck, Vniel’s quest for knowledge would distract him and keep him from causing trouble.