In the wrong hands, however…
Interrogations at White Sands typically involved amateur archaeologists looking for shell casings from the Apache war or for mining memorabilia. One woman, the fifty-five-year-old editor of the Canine Defenders of Freedom Web site, was looking for memorabilia from the Range Instrumentation Development Division’s dog program. In the early 1960s, it was necessary for engineers to recover small missile parts to ascertain why tests succeeded or failed. Ground crews would spend hours, sometimes days, recovering this material, which was often buried in the sands by the force of the test. That was before scientists came up with the idea of using canines in the recovery effort. The key missile components were coated with shark-liver oil. Specially trained dogs could smell it from 100 yards away. What took training was not smelling the squalene, but keeping the dogs from running after desert wildlife. The editor was searching for remnants of the terry-cloth jackets worn by the dogs, the pockets of which were stuffed with ice during the summer to keep the dogs from overheating.
The program was discontinued in 1965, when word got out that the dogs were also being used to recover materials from nuclear testing sites. The United States military went back to sending scientists.
Like many high-ranking officers, people who had spent their adult lives in uniform, General Gilbert had little use for civilian values and ideology. The inter-service rivalry was intense but, like any tribal organization, they closed ranks when it came to facing outside forces. And for all the value they provided, the American industrialists were a pain. Whatever machismo the individual soldier possessed; whatever alpha-dog qualities an officer developed or had innately; whatever vanity soldiers possessed about their bodies, the press of their uniforms, the medals they displayed, they were patriots first. Even a president could not stand opposed to a unified wall of military will. When the Joint Chiefs wanted surges in Iraq and Afghanistan, they got them. When the United States Central Command wanted to expand operations from Afghanistan to Pakistan, it was done. No president could risk worst-case scenario commencement addresses given by secretaries of defense. No administration wanted dire outcomes whispered in the ears of hawkish senators of its own party.
Conversely, industrialists all had boards of directors and stockholders. They might be patriots, but they were capitalists first.
Except for Jacob Trask.
Gilbert had first met him in the late 1970s, at a conference involving the role of the military in urban security. It wasn’t simply a matter of civil unrest, like the kind that had rocked the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles in 1965. It was about the bankruptcy New York City faced and the role technology could play in safeguarding streets with a skeletal police force. Trask had presented a slide show of his company’s plans to adapt discarded U-2 spy plane technology to urban patrols. Gilbert and many others liked the idea, but the ACLU learned of it and pressured Congress not to fund any broad domestic eavesdropping programs.
“Well, what do you expect?” Trask had said to him during a visit to White Sands with other private-sector captains of industry. “They’re the people who voted to let Reds in the organization.”
At the time, Gilbert was a liaison between the U.S. Army Command sergeant major Victor Houston and Commander Matt Lewis, deputy for navy of the White Sands Detachment, Naval Surface Warfare Center, Port Hueneme Division. When Gilbert replaced Houston in 1984, Trask became his go-to advisor on civilian matters. There was not a more passionate American than Trask. His company was privately held, and from Reconstruction to the present day the family business was about making the nation the greatest power, the greatest explorer, the greatest melting pot the globe had ever seen.
Gilbert trusted Trask. He had never known the industrialist’s honor and duty to be in conflict. Those qualities were not mutually bonded: a soldier could be asked to make an object lesson of a tribal leader by killing him in front of his people. For a civilian, the conflict could appear only in the form of treason. Nine times out of ten, traitors were motivated by money. That was not Jacob Trask.
But something else was true about Trask. He was a passionate man, especially about his country. He had ramped up the Trask Industries war machine in 2001 to provide ordnance for an attack against the Taliban and, later, for the invasion of Iraq. He did that without firm orders from the Department of Defense and, indeed, ended up producing nothing that could be used for traditional carpet bombing: he had filled the bombs with napalm that was left over from the Persian Gulf War. He did not share the concern of the Bush administration that civilians might be caught in the strategic waste laying of vast stretches of the tribal regions. The loss ran to tens of millions of dollars. He had told Gilbert that was the price of preparedness.
Gilbert had been impressed by that. Yet today, when they spoke on the way to the office, Trask said nothing about Baltimore. He had been awakened by alerts about New York; Trask hadn’t mentioned that, either. Gilbert’s sole concern was to take these men into custody.
Gilbert went directly to the interrogation room with the idea that if there was a problem, the problem was with one of the two men-probably both-who were being held in Conference Room B. The innocuous-sounding designation was known internally as the Bastille, since it was soundproofed, wired for video, had a teak door lined with iron mesh, no windows, and could be used to hold a person or persons indefinitely.
There was an antechamber with a gunmetal desk outside and three computer monitors on it. Two of them were for the cameras located in opposite corners of the square room. Gilbert saw that the men had been given bottled water and nothing more. Audio was streaming through an overhead speaker. The guests were silent. The door to the room was to the right, a guard stationed before it. A pair of naval intelligence officers were manning the computers. From there, they could access civilian and government databases. That information was displayed on the third monitor. Right now it was displaying the motor vehicle data and police records of each man.
There was one cell phone on the desk.
“Mr. Jenkins, only one of them had a phone?” Gilbert asked.
“On him, sir,” the intel officer replied.
“Nothing was recovered from the vehicle? The GPS?”
“Those weren’t part of the orders,” Jenkins replied. “Only the recovery of the men.”
“Brilliant,” Gilbert said.
“In defense of the team, there was a showdown of sorts with the Texas Highway Patrol. Lieutenant Delguercio thought it best not to let the situation escalate. Marley?”
“We’ve sent a team back to the vehicle and requisitioned whatever might have been recovered from the vehicle by local authorities,” the other officer said. “I’ll be monitoring that effort.”
“Who’s going to talk to these men?”
“Colonel Murray is on her way,” Jenkins said. “Command Sergeant Mintz thought it best to have an African American interrogator on this.”
As they spoke, the door to the antechamber opened. A young army officer strode in, saluted the brigadier general without stopping, and walked directly to the door of the Bastille. Jenkins buzzed her in.
“Efficient,” Gilbert said.
“You don’t know her, sir?”
“Only by dossier,” he replied.
It was going to be interesting, Gilbert thought. She would have seen the same data that was on the screen: these guys were clean.
Those were exactly the kind of men one would want to hire to hijack nuclear weapons.