Many tend to accept and stress their responsibility when they talk of their present actions whose arbitrariness they would like to see released from restraints, conditions and obligations. In case of failure, on the other hand, they tend to decline responsibility and plead allegedly inescapable necessities. Responsibility had been a talking point, not an experience.
All through these years, accordingly, one could hear that if Germany won the war the victory and the credit would be the Party’s—while if Germany lost, the losers and the guilty would be the German people.
But actually, in the causal connections of history, cause and responsibility are indivisible wherever human activity is at work. As soon as decisions and actions play a part in events, every cause is at the same time either credit or guilt.
Even those happenings which are independent of will and decision still are human tasks. The effects of natural causes depend also on how man takes them, how he handles them, what he makes out of them. Cognition of history, therefore, is never such as to apprehend its course as flatly necessary. This cognition can never make certain predictions (as possible, for instance, in astronomy), nor can it retrospectively perceive an inevitability of general events and individual actions. In either case it sees the scope of possibilities, only more richly and concretely in the case of the past.
In turn, this cognition, historic-sociological insight and the resulting picture of history, affects events and is to this extent a matter of responsibility.
Chiefly named as premises independent of freedom—and thus of guilt and responsibility—are the conditions of geography and the world-historical situation.
GEOGRAPHICAL CONDITIONS
Germany has open borders all around. To maintain itself as a nation, it must be militarily strong at all times. Periods of weakness have made it a prey to aggression from the West, East and North, finally even from the South (Turks). Because of its geographical situation Germany never knew the peace of an unmenaced existence, as England knew it and, even more so, America. England could afford to pay for its magnificent domestic evolution in decades of impotence in foreign politics and military weakness. It was by no means conquered for that reason; its last invasion took place in 1066. A country such as Germany, uncemented by natural frontiers, was forced to develop military states to keep its nationhood alive at all. This function was long performed by Austria, later by Prussia.
The peculiarity and military style of each state would mark the rest of Germany and yet would always be felt also as alien. It took an effort to gloss over the fact that Germany either had to be ruled by something which, though German, was alien to the rest, or would in the impotence of a scattered whole be left at the mercy of foreign nations.
Thus Germany had no lasting center, only transient centers of gravity, with the result that none could be felt and recognized as its own by more than a part of Germany.
Nor, indeed, was there a spiritual center, a common meeting ground for all Germans. Even our classic literature and philosophy had not yet become the property of our whole people. They belonged to a small, educated stratum, though one extending as far as German was spoken, beyond the borders of the German state. And of unanimity in acknowledging greatness there is no trace here, either.
We might say that the geographical situation not only compelled German militarism with its consequences—the prevalence of authority-worship and servility, the lack of libertarianism and a democratic spirit—but also made a necessarily transient phenomenon of every organized state. To last awhile, any state required favorable circumstances and superior, unusually prudent statesmen, while a single irresponsible political leader could permanently ruin Germany and the state.
Yet however true this basic trait of our reflections may be, it is important for us not to interpret it as absolute necessity. In what direction the military develop, whether or not wise leaders appear—these things are in no way to be blamed on the geographical situation.
In a similar situation, for example, the political energy, solidarity and prudence of the Romans produced quite different results—a united Italy and later a world empire, although one which in the end crushed liberty, too. The study of republican Rome is of great interest as showing how a military development and imperialism led a democratic people to the loss of liberty and to dictatorship.
If geographical conditions leave a margin of freedom, the decisive factor beyond guilt and responsibility is generally said to be the “natural” national character. This, however, is a refuge of ignorance and an instrument of false evaluations—whether appreciative or depreciative.
There probably is something in the natural foundation of our vital existence which has effects extending to the peak of our spirituality—but we may say that our knowledge of it is virtually nil. The intuition of direct impression—as evident as it is deceptive, as compelling for the moment as it is unreliable at length—has not been raised to the level of real knowledge by any racial theory.
In fact, we always describe national character in terms of arbitrarily selected historical phenomena. Yet these in turn have always been caused by events, and by conditions marked by events. At every time they are one group of phenomena, appearing only as one of many types. Other situations might bring entirely different, otherwise hidden character traits to the fore. A distinct natural character complete with talents may very well exist, but we simply do not know it.
We must not shift our responsibility to anything like that. As men we must know ourselves free for all possibilities.
THE WORLD-HISTORICAL SITUATION
The position of Germany in the world, world events at large, the others’ conduct toward Germany—all this is the more important for Germany since its defenseless central geographical location exposes it more than other countries to influences from outside. This is why Ranke’s assertion of the primacy of foreign over domestic politics is true of Germany but not of history in general.
The political connections of the last half-century—especially of the events and modes of conduct since 1918, since the Allies’ first victory over Germany—will not be presented here, although they were certainly not immaterial to the developments which became possible in Germany. I shall glance only at an inner, spiritual world phenomenon. Perhaps—but who could dare assert real cognition here?—we may say this:
What broke out in Germany was under way in the entire Western world as a crisis of faith, of the spirit.
This does not diminish our guilt—for it was here in Germany that the outbreak occurred, not somewhere else—but it does free us from absolute isolation. It makes us instructive for the others. It concerns all.
This world-historical crisis is not simply defined. The declining effectiveness of the Christian and Biblical faith; the lack of faith seeking a substitute; the social upheaval, due to technology and production methods, which in the nature of things leads irresistibly to socialist orders in which the masses of the population, that is everyone, comes to his human right—these upheavals are under way. Everywhere the situation is more or less so as to make men call for a change. In such a case the ones who are hardest hit, most deeply aware of their lack of contentment, incline to hasty, untimely, deceptive, fraudulent solutions.
In a development which has seized the world, Germany danced such a fraudulent solo to its doom.
THE OTHERS’ GUILT
Whoever has not yet found himself guilty in spontaneous self-analysis will tend to accuse his accusers. For instance, he may ask whether they are better than the ones they censure, or whether they do not share the guilt of events, because of acts which could not but promote such possibilities.
Among us Germans the tendency to hit back at present indicates that we have not yet understood ourselves. For the first thing each of us needs in disaster is clarity about himself. The foundation of our new life must come from the origin of our being and can only be achieved in unreserved self-analysis.