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Inside the Castel Sant’ Angelo, according to his own lurid and vainglorious account, Benvenuto Cellini was a tireless, brilliant and inspiring gunner. ‘So there I was in the castle,’ he recalled.

I went up to some guns that were in charge of a bombardier [who] was staring out over the battlements to where his poor house was being sacked and his wife and children outraged. He dared not fire in case he harmed his own family, and flinging his fuse on the ground he started tearing at his face and sobbing bitterly. Other bombardiers were doing the same. When I saw this I seized one of the fuses, got help from some of the men who were not in such a sorry state, and lined up some heavy pieces of artillery and falconets, firing them where I saw the need. In this way I slaughtered a great number of the enemy… I continued firing, with an accompaniment of blessings and cheers from a number of cardinals and noblemen. Inspired by this I forced myself to try to do the impossible. Anyway, all I need say is that it was through me that the castle was saved… I carried on with the work all day until evening approached.

Throughout the ensuing days Cellini applied himself ‘with unimaginable energy and zeal’, to helping ‘a great Roman nobleman called Antonio Santa Croce, whom Pope Clement had put in charge of all the bombardiers’. Not everyone appreciated Cellini. He ‘made bitter enemies’ of two particular cardinals whom he ordered off the high platform where the guns were ranged as their ‘nasty red birettas could be seen a long way off’; and he nearly killed two other cardinals when the blast from one of his cannonades dislodged a barrel of stones which crashed on to the terrace at their feet. But the Pope himself, so Cellini said, had nothing but praise for him. ‘Not a day passed without [his] achieving some outstanding success’; and as a result, his ‘stock with the Pope went up and up’. When Cellini asked the Pope to absolve him of all the killing he had done

while serving the Church in the castle, the Pope raised his hand, carefully made a great sign of the cross above [his] head, and said that he gave [him] his blessing, that he forgave [him] all the homicides [he] had ever committed and all those [he] ever would commit in the service of the Apostolic Church.

Cellini continued,

After I left him, I climbed back to the tower and spent all my time firing away at the enemy, hardly ever wasting a shot… If I told in detail all the great things I did in that cruel inferno I should astonish the world… I shall skip a good deal and come to the time when Pope Clement, in his anxiety to save the tiaras and mass of wonderful jewels belonging to the Apostolic Camera, sent for me… and ordered me to remove them from their gold settings. I did as I was told; and then, after I had wrapped them up in pieces of paper, we sewed them into the linings of the Pope’s clothes [and into those of his faithful servant, Cavalierino]. When this was done they gave me all the gold – which came to about two hundred pounds – and told me to melt it down as secretly as I could.

Every morning when it was light the Pope looked north hoping to catch sight of the army which was supposed to be advancing to Rome’s relief. But he looked in vain. At the beginning of June, after more than a month’s incarceration in the Castle, he was forced to surrender to the Emperor’s envoy. His fellow refugees were dying of hunger and disease around him; and the army, which he had hoped would come to rescue him, was retreating towards Viterbo. He was obliged to deliver up Civitavecchia, Ostia and Modena as well as Parma and Piacenza to the imperial forces. He was also required to find a huge ransom, to restore the Colonna to their possessions and to hand over seven important men as hostages, including Jacopo Salviati and Lorenzo Ridolfi.

Yet although he had surrendered he was not permitted to leave Castel Sant’ Angelo, which had now become his prison, until the ransom demanded from him had been paid. The summer passed and the autumn, and still he was detained there. The imperial army was driven from Rome by plague and hunger, but two thousand troops were left behind to guard the city and to make sure that the prisoner remained where he was. Then, at the beginning of December, after German and Spanish troops, having plundered the surrounding countryside, had returned to Rome threatening to hang their captains and cut the Pope to pieces if they did not receive the arrears of pay that were due to them, the captive was told that his guards would look the other way if he made his escape. Early on the morning of 7 December he did so, wearing the clothes of his major-domo. With a few companions, he got away to Orvieto where, in the remote fastness of the episcopal palace which could be reached only by a mule track from the valley of the Paglia, he endeavoured to rebuild his shattered power and reputation.

It was at Orvieto, in this ‘ruinous and decayed old palace’ with the ‘roofs fallen down and thirty persons, riff-raff and others, standing in the chambers for a garnishment’, that an embassy from England sought him out in order to obtain his authority for Henry VIII’s divorce from Catherine of Aragon. Clement would have welcomed the opportunity of obtaining Henry’s friendship, but Catherine was Charles V’s aunt and the now penniless Pope could do no more than make vague promises that he would grant the King’s request once he was free to move back to Rome again. In fact, the Pope’s mind was occupied by other matters that seemed to him more important. None of these appears to have concerned him more than the problem of Florence, where the sack of Rome and his own subsequent imprisonment had had the most unfortunate repercussions.

The Florentines had deeply resented the presence in the Medici Palace of the Pope’s representative, the ill-mannered and avaricious foreigner, Cardinal Silvio Passerini, who had been followed to Florence by two other papal representatives, Cardinals Innocenzo Cibò and Niccolò Ridolfi. Nor had the Florentines taken kindly to Passerini’s charges, the two young Medici bastards, in particular to the unprepossessing Alessandro. Both these boys had been upbraided in public by Piero di Lorenzo’s daughter, Clarice Strozzi, who had indignantly attacked them for being utterly unworthy of their great name, adding that Clement himself no more deserved to be Pope than Passerini deserved to be his representative.

‘I have seen in the short time I have been here a thousand things like it,’ wrote Francesco Guicciardini to the Pope, reporting on a riot in the Piazza della Signoria,

and all derive from the ignorance of this eunuch [Passerini] who spends the whole day in idle chatter and neglects important things… He does his best to fill himself and everyone else with suspicion; he makes everyone despair; and has no idea himself what he is doing.

His two charges, Guicciardini considered, were equally reprehensible.

There was no doubt that the Florentines agreed with Guicciardini. When the news from Rome reached the city, they marched through the streets shouting slogans and singing songs of thanksgiving. And as soon as Passerini and his two pupils had scurried away, they threw the Pope’s effigy out of the church of the Annunziata, tore it to pieces in the square, and loudly declared their approval of a new republican constitution, the re-establishment of the Grand Council as well as the militia, and the election of anti-Medicean Gonfaloniere, Niccolò Capponi, to hold office for a year. On the façade of the Medici Palace – which was, however, protected by a strong guard from mobs of would-be looters – a descendant of Ghiberti painted a picture of the Pope climbing up a ladder to the gallows.