Let us recall briefly the circumstances under which the fascist mobs took to Moscow streets in 1905. The unsuccessful Russo-Japanese war had provoked a 'regime' crisis which resulted in an aimed-ate sharp polarization between the two Russias. The 'patriotic masses' led by the fighters against 'Kike-Freemason schemes' readily adapted a fascist coloration while at the same time a moderate coalition at the top of the Russian establishment had been formed initiating Stolypin's reforms. These represented a desperate attempt to save the system by means of changing the regime and so avert the approaching 'systemic' crisis which both fascist demonstrations from the right and revolutionary terrorism from the left foreshadowed. Reformist Russia stayed face to face with its extremist (revolutionary —reactionary) antagonist. Ry .1908 the reformers won the first round of this confrontation.
Now what have we seen in Moscow in the early 1980s? The collapse of a long drawn out regime of political stagnation, the emergence on the streets of fascist mobs; and the formation of a moderate coaliiion at the top of the Soviet establishment iiniiat.ng Gorbachev's reforms. These seem to represent a desperate attempt to save the system by means of changing the regime and so avert the approach ng 'systemic crisis. Once again reformist Russia stayed face to face with her extremist antagonist. Bv 1986 the reformers won the lirst round of this confrontation.
Obviously, the 1905 — 08 'regime' crisis, just as the one of the early 1980s, cannot simply be reduced to fascist demonstration and Stolypin's reforms. There were other significant developments: the tsarist manifesto, and the creation of the Duma, liberal parties and soviets. The specific details of every historical confrontation are indeed unique. However, I am speaking of the patterns of political change in Russia not of the peculiarities of a particular crisis.
The implications of the suggested historical parallel are as follows: by the early 1980s Brezhnev's political stagnation reached the proportions of a 'regime' crisis comparable with that produced by Russia's defeat in the 1904 — 05 war with Japan; in the situation of imperial decline and approaching 'systemic' crisis it couldn't help but provoke both fascist demonstrations and the formation of Gorbachev's reformist coalition; whereas in the 'regime' crisis of 1905 moderate Russia was opposed by left- and right-wing extremist alternatives, in the Soviet Union of the 1980s the only political force having an ideological platlorm and capable of capitalizing on the collapse of reform is lignt-wing extremism; the success or failure of the Russian Idea by the year 2000 depends totally on the success or lailure of Gorbachev's reforms.
A Soviet fascist programme
On 10 January 1Q77, long before the appearance of the Russian Idea on the streets, a tactical programme for the fascist 'transformation' of Russia by the year 2000 was proposed, in its most developed form so far, by Nikolai Erne! >anov to the CPSU Central Committee. According to Emel'ianov:
It is perfectly obvious that the struggle against the highly diversified and highly organized network of Zionism and Freemasonry . . . can be successfully conducted only on a level of still higher organization,
which [n] i'-, on у m the pcv. er of cjr corr.tr/ and аП countries of the ■//z.bl'AX v.ctern ш concert vrkli шет developing countries [to achiev e]. Cx/,terete measures sk/r.g these Iir.es could be as foUov. s
А- On the International Leveclass="underline"
The formation ot a oread WOWL0*riDЈ AMYI-ZI0.4TST AND А2чТ1- J-PEEMASON FiOW, after tk Jftodd of the seti-fascist fronts of the 1930s and '"rGs, oecsrse the menace of Zionist world hegemony, acbednl&i for the year 20CO, threatens all govs of the earth independently of race religion or party sff, ation 'a projected charter ;or this front was presented a i ear ago to the International Deparaeesit of the CPSU Central Committee).
Tfefckfpg Into aceoont the fact teat this will be a front against £0 per cent of all the worW* capital, then the ULTIMATE VICTORY OF THE FROST V. ILL BE THE FIMAL VICTORY OVER THE ENTIRE SYSTEM OF CAPITALISM OK A WOF.LD SCALE.
Time does not wait; while the Zionist-Freer.'.ason train continues its /лтг-й' on schedule toward the year 2r//i it can be stopped only faf a V/OP.LDVi'IDE f MOMT; огЛу this can derail it from the'traclc of world history. Я not, inevitable genocide awaits ALL GOYS
P. On the Intra-Union Leveclass="underline"
The formation of specialized scientific institutes fprovisionally, the Institute for the Study of Zionism and FreeiHasos-ry of the CPSU Centra] Committee;, whose [criteria for] electing ca.dres would exclude from employment individraLs who might be potential carriers of the ideas of Zionism and Freemasonry [read Jews! If Y/est German capitalist government can bar from a hroac range of activities individuals who belong to democratic organizations [read- Communists! then why must the country which v/as the first DICTATORSHIP of the proletariat in the world deny Itself analogous measures against individuals who could be carriers of anti-socialist Ideas? Isn't that why v, e're a dictatorship - - If this stipulation were not observed, the creation of an institute would be pointless (an expanded proposal for this was presented to the Presidium of the 25th CPSU Congress)...
The introduction of a section on 'scientific Amtizionism and anti- Freemasonry' into the social science courses of all secondary schools .. . and into educational programme on television.
The publication of standard textbooks on this subject for institutions of higher education....
The inclusion of this sufcrect Into the mandatory programme of all lev-els of the system of political education [as well as] into the mandatory programme of political preparation for all personnel of the USSR Armed Forces — from common soldier to marshal
The inclusion in the all union republics' criminal legislative code articles which stipulate severe punishments for belonging to Zionist
and Freemason organizations concealment ot belonging to Zionism or Freemasonry ought to be viewed as the infiltration of a hostile agent into our socialist society, with all the ensuing criminal consequences.
The declaration in legislative form (as an edict of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR) that Zionism and Freemasonry are outside the law.
[Waging] a relentless struggle against all forms of ORGANIZED Freemason Zionist activity like the 'Sakharov Committee 'The Committee for Monitoring the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords on Human Rights', 'The Solzhenitsyn Fund to Assist Political Prisoners in the USSR The Soviet Branch of Amnesty International', various kinds of "international seminars on the issues of Jewish culture' and other self- appointed organs, and [instituting] severe criminal punishment for all their participants 13
As we see, for Emel'ianov the time for contemplation (or, as Skobelev once put it 'civilian theories') is over. The hour has come to roll up one's sleeves and prepare for the year 2000. Hmel'ianov does not busy himself with ideological tracts, like Osipov, or with metaphysical sorties into the realm of demonology, like Solzhenitsyn but presents a concrete point-bv-point plan of action, written in the standard bureaucratic parlance in which a mid-level pro-fascist Soviet functionary of the regime of political stagnation is accustomed to express himself Significantly, he makes no mention of the Orthodox- ization of Russia and the world', nor is he interested >n Sh manov's subtle division of 'Orthodox patriotic transformation' into a strategic part (convincing the Russian New Right of the necessity of an alliance with the regime) and a tactical part (convincing the regime of the need Lo ally with the Russian New Right). Hmel'ianov focuses exclusively on tactics. Any appeal to Orthodoxy is irrelevant to his purpose. Even so, there is a noticeable link between F.mel'ianov's document and the ferocious diatribe contained in the 'Letter of the Three', against the 'organized forces of broad Zionism and satanism', which conduct a 'secret struggle against our state from within and Wiihout' In fact, Emel'ianov's programme represents no more than a detailed expansion of 7he Nation Speaks Russian Orthodox manifesto's proposal for an 'ideological reorientation of the dictatorship'.