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Samann, Yurii, 19, 79 Santavana, George 54 Scamniel. Michael, 61

Schleiermacher, Fnedrich, 33 Semanov, Sergei, 116 — 18, 120 Shafarevich, Igor', 142 Sharapov, Sergei, 38-42, 45, 47, 53, 67, 68, 72, 73, 84, 144, 174, 224, 239, 247, 260 Shauro, Vasilii, 119, 121, 126, 127 Shcherbatov, Vasilii, 175 Shevtsov, Ivan, 121, 137, 143, 152 Shimanov, Gennadii, 179, 225, 229, 231-48, 253, 254, 258-62, 267, 271, 272, 286, 287 Shipler, David, 253, 254 Shipov, Dmitrii, 79, 196, 197, 219, 220

Shragin, Boris, 27 Shultz, George, 6, 8 Shundik, Nikolai, 125 Siniavsky, Andrei, 27, 98 — 100, 107, 114, 142

Skobelev, Mikhail, 38, 39, 53, 128,

 

Skurlatov, Valerii, 83 Skvorecky, Josef, 151 Slavophilism and Slavophiles, 19-41, 49-54, 58, 79-86, 91, 101, 105, 131, 137-41, 149, 151, 169, 172, 174, 219, 221, 225, 229,

 

see also Russian Idea; Russian imperial nationalism Smirnov, Sergei, 125 Sofronov, Anatolii, 116, 125 Soloukhin, Vladimir, 83 Solov'ev, Vladimir, 27, 33, 49, 50,

52, 55, 93, 134, 251 Solzhenitsyn, Alexander, xi, 3, 6, 12, 19, 20, 22, 26, 53, 58, 59, 81, 83-7, 110, 114, 139-45, 166-75, 178-87, 190-229, 236-40, 244, 246, 248, 254, 258-61, 286 Sorskii, Nil, 238, 245 Soviet empire, 8, 15, 72, 273 — 5 Sovietology and sovietologists, xi, xii, 60, 62, 64, 66, 69, 73, 74, 245, 255-75, 278-83, 286, 289 Spinoza, Baruch, 138

Stalin, Joseph, 41, 42, 83, 111, 121, 136, 139, 140, 217, 224, 269, 271, 281, 284 Starr, Frederick, 77 Stasiulevich M. M., 27, 50 Stolypin, Petr, xvi, 9, 198, 202, 203, 205, 213-9, 265, 266, 269, 273, 276

Strakhov, Nikolai, 131 Suslov, Mikhail, 68

Tetenov, Nikolai, 253 TiQtchev, Feodor, 30, 35 Tkachev, Petr, 93, 155 Tolstoy, Lev, 13, 167 Tower, John, 3 Trotsky, Lev, 45, 188 Trubetskoi, Sergei, 27, 50 — 2, 55 Trufanov, Sergei, 62 Tvardovskii, Aleksandr, 125

Ukranians, 160

Vagin, Evgenii, 99, 100 Veche, 105, 128-33, 136-40,

144-55, 162, 169, 175, 181, 182, 209, 223, 231, 244-6, 258, 286 Vestnik russkogo khristianskogo

dvizhenia, 178 Viazemskii, Petr, 30 Vikulov, Sergei, 113, 115, 125 Vishnevskaia, Yulia, 179 Vokrug sveta, 113 Volzhskii, A., 40 Voronin, Sergei, 125 Vostorgov, I. I., 62

Western democracy (the West, as perceived by Russian nationalists), 12, 20, 24 — 6, 37, 39, 80, 84, 85, 93, 102, 119, 132, 138, 163, 170-4, 183, 186, 232-4, 239, 241, 244, 245, 253, 267,277 see also Anti-Amcricanism; Parliamentarism

Westernism and Westermzers

(Russian liberals), xii, 26, 39, 42, 49, 79, 80, 96. 99, 109 White, Horace, 22 Wolff, Karl, 48

Yakovlev Aleksandr, 120-3, 126

Yakovlev Nikolai ol Yazykov, Nikolai, 182

Zakrutkin Vitalii 115, 1 Zemlia, 148 Zhukovskii Vasilii, 30

27 SOUTH FULTON

947 ж 085 YANOV SFB

Yanov, Alexander The Russian challenge and the year 2000

RDD24 fl bbEID

Alexander Yanov is an exile from Brezhnev's Russia. Since 1975 he has lived in the U'n ed States where he taught Russian history and Sov it po tics at Berkeley and Michigan, and has published a number of books on these subjects. He is at present Professor of Political Science at the City Ur versity of New York.

Jacket design by Richard Boxall Printed in Great Britain

From the Afterword

it is time to start the de-Brezhnevization of world politics. It is imperative to return to the Khruschev Kennedy political agenda of 1963 brutally interrupted by the fatal shots in Dallas and the Brezhnevist coup ih Moscow For all his polish and courage, Gorbachev is a pre-modern politician He needs guidance, not resistance. He needs someone ;n Washington who would be able to do for him what Kennedy had done for Khrushchev - to clear the way for the idea of a world safe for diversity. If it comes to that, it is not Gorbachev who should ask the West to support his bold effort to prevent a garrison state in Moscow, it is the West who should guide him into this - for all of us to survive in the nuclear age.

Yanov forces us to experience the USSR from inside. His book will make it possible for Westerners to understand the Soviet system with the same depth, nuance and complexity with whicn we understand our own. He shows us the deep currents that underlie Gorbachev's drive for reform, and the enormous obstacles that resist it. This is the most exciting book about the USSR to appear on Western shores since Medvedev's Let History Judge'

Marshall Berman

This is a brilliant piece of the modern Russian historical criticism tanova vision of the Russ-an past merges with a prophetic insight into unknown future and his splendidly written book shows that the controversy cannot be resolved by means of a partisan approach, though it may find its resolution spontaneously, in the process of development of one's historical consciousness.'

Alexander Piatigorsky

 

 

Basil Blackwell

9780631153344

22

g/8063U&i.344 ■■ -03 '97:29

Oxford and New York

IV Finally, if for all these reasons the Dissident Right really manages to develop in the direction of mutual accommodation and adaptation and. eventually merges with ts establishment sister, as happened in the last century, such an ideological evolution can be described n more or less strict terms.

For simplicity's sakeplet's assume that the Russian Idea evolves through three main phases: from a liberal nationalism that confronts the regime (L-Nationalism). to an isolationist nationalism that strives for co-operation with the nationalist faction within the establishment

(1) Rejection — along with 'Communist totalnaiian sm' — of the Western parliamentary model. Belief that a special and primary place belongs to Russia <n the sphere of the real liberation of humank nd

The definition of this 'real liberation as the transfer of freedom from the sphere of political guarantees against the arbitrary use of power, to that of the struggle of absolute good against absolute evil (so linking it not with the tradition of promoting cultural and institutional limitations on power, but rather with that of

[1] have been reproached of late for supposedly crossing over from the Slavophile camp into that of the Westernizers, entering into an alliance with liberals and the like. These personal reproofs only give me occasion to pose now the following question, one of a completely non-personal character: where is that Slavophile camp in which I could have and was supposed to remain today located? Who are its representai /es? What and where do they preach? Which scholarly, literary and poli.'cal periodicals are expressing and developing 'the great and fertile Slavophile idea'? It's enough to pose this question to see immediately that Slavophilism is at present a non-existent phenomenon . . . and that the Slavophile idea is not being represented nor developed by anyone, if we don't count as its development those views and Lendencies which we find in today's 'patriotic' press. Even with all the distinctions made between their various tendencies, from pro-serfdom to populism and from tooth-gnashing obscurantism to reckless mockery, the organs of this press adhere to one common principle — an elemental nationalism, lacking in moral substance, which they take for and pass off as true

[2] [Translator's note: The Russian term meshchanstvo, translated here as 'shopkeepers' (as in Napoleon's description of England as 'a Ration of shopkeepers'), is taken from the name of one of the estates into which the population of tsarist Russia was divided. As now used in the Soviet Union, it connotes a narrow, conventional, money-grubbing mentality — not unlike 'babbitry' in the American context.]

[3] 'A nation resettled into cities is doomed to extinction.'32 'All patriotism is inseparably linked to love for the land, for the sower and protector of the land, the peasant. All cosmopolitanism is equally inseparably linked to hatred of the peasantry — the creator and preserver of national traditions, the national morality and culture.' 'The peasant is the most morally unique type (M. Lobanov).'33 From this viewpoint, the hopelessly urbanized West is doomed, but for Russia, 'where everyone has, if not a peasant mother, then at least a peasant grandmothe: , all is not yet lost. In Russia, reverse migration, or the ex-urbanization of society is still possible.